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From the original in the Massachusetts State Library 









NEW YORK ------ 1908 




Published February, 1908 


The text followed in this edition of Bradford is that of the text- 
edition published by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in 1898, 
which Mr. Davis assured me was unusually accurate. In all cases 
where doubt seemed warranted, comparison was made with the 
excellent facsimile mentioned in the editor's Introduction, and in a 
few cases with the original manuscript. But in some particulars a 
systematic departure has been made from the practice followed in the 
Massachusetts edition. That edition prints the symbols &, if, y* 
and y^, and the contractions w"' and vf^, as they stand in the 
manuscript. In this edition I have followed what is believed to be a 
better practice, by giving to these manuscript marks the form which, 
we may presume, they would have borne in print if Bradford's manu- 
script had been printed in his lifetime; i. e., I have printed, for the 
above, the words and, the, that, they, with and which. Also, where 
the original places a short line over a letter, to indicate the omission 
of an TO or an M directly following it, I have substituted the missing 
letter itself, as would commonly have been done in seventeenth- 
century printing ; and have disregarded Bradford's underscoring or 
italicizing of words whenever it seemed to have no significance, or a 
significance other than that now conveyed by italics. Names of 
ships have been uniformly set in italics. Bradford's frequent use of 
parentheses in place of commas has not been followed. 

The notes which Bradford appended to his text, often writing 
them on the margins of his pages, have been reproduced in the foot- 
notes of the present edition, but have been distinguished from the 
editor's notes by placing them in quotation-marks, and adding " Br." 
or some less abbreviated indication of their authorship. The notes 
which are attributed to Rev. Thomas Prince in this edition are notes 
which he wrote on the manuscript while it was in his posses- 
sion. Not all his notes have been repeated in these pages. 
The dates which are given in square brackets in the headlines of 
the pages may be understood to indicate years beginning on the 

vi NOTE 

first of January, rather than, according to Bradford's custom, on 
the twenty-fifth of March. 

The facsimiles in this volume represent the first page of the 
famous manuscript (reduced to about half its height), the page near 
the beginning of Book 2 on which occurs the text of the Mayflower 
Compact, and the title-page of "Mourt's Relation," concerning which 
work see the editor's Introduction. The map is a reproduction, some- 
what reduced, of Captain John Smith's map of New England, first 
published in 1614 as an accompaniment to his Description of New 
England. As that map exists in various "states," and it was desired 
to reproduce that state which would exhibit the best map of New 
England which the Pilgrims could have consulted at the time of their 
voyage, the general editor sought the aid of the learned bibliographer, 
Mr. Wilberforce Eames, librarian of the Lenox Branch of the New 
York Public Library, who has made a special and minute study 
of the various states of this map, and whose generous kindness to his- 
torical students is well known. Mr. Eames distinguishes nine states 
of this map, each showing some additions to its predecessor, or some 
modifications of its readings. Of these the fifth (or perhaps in equal 
degree the sixth, which is very similar) represents the map as it would 
stand in the freshest copies procurable in 1620. The seventh, on 
the other hand, reads in its title "Prince Charles no we King," indi- 
cates "Salem," "P. Wynthrop," "P. Standish," and reads "New 
Plimouth" in place of "Plimouth," and so is plainly of a later time. 
The eighth and ninth states, the latter of which is reproduced in 
Veazie's reprint of Captain Smith's Advertisements and in Jenness's 
Isles of Shoals, are of still later date. The New York PubHc Library 
(Lenox Building) has three copies of the state which we have chosen, — 
two of them in copies of Smith's Generall Historie of Virginia, the 
third a separate copy; I have chosen the last for reproduction. The 
legend which is nearly obliterated, below "Simon Passaeus sculpsit" 
in the lower left-hand corner, is "Robert Clerke excudit." The 
arms at the right of these legends are those of Smith, including the 
three Turks' heads. 

To the note' on p. 79 a reference might well be added to Mr. 
Reginald G. Marsden's article on the Mayflower in the English 
Historical Review, XIX. 669-680, in which he essays to identify the 
famous Mayflower from among the many contemporary ships of that 
name, to show it to have been a ship of Harwich, and to trace its 
history from 1609 to 1626, when he supposes it to have been captured 

NOTE vii 

by Dunkirkers. To Mr. Davis the identification seemed "not 
proven;" the general editor would have been disposed to adopt it. 

When this volume had nearly passed through the press, on 
December 3, 1907, its editor, Hon. William T. Davis, of Plymouth, 
died at the age of eighty-five. A native of Plymouth and a devoted 
and public-spirited citizen of that town, he had served for many 
years as vice-president and president of the Pilgrim Society, had edited 
the published records of the town, and had written, among other 
historical works, a History of Plymouth and a book of antiquarian 
research entitled Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, both highly re- 
garded. He was a man of high and genial character. Of this 
volume, his last work, he had finished his reading of the proof-sheets, 
except the very last pages, at the time of his death. 

J. F. J. 


Edited by William T. Davis 


Introduction 3 

History of PLTMOtrrH Plantation 23 

Chapter 1 

The Reformation and Persecution 23 

The Dissensions at Frankfort 25 

The Dissensions under Queen EUzabeth 26 

Later Observations by Bradford 28 

The Beginnings of Separatism in the North of England ... 30 

The Congregations led by Smyth and Clyfton 31 

Chapter 2 

The Resolve to remove to Holland 33 

First Attempt Frustrated 34 

Second Attempt partially Successful 35 

Arrest of those left behind 36 

Chapter 3 

Settlement in Amsterdam; Arrival of Robinson and Brewster . . 38 

Removal to Leyden 39 

Robinson's Leadership as Pastor 40 

Regard in which he and his Congregation were held ... 42 

Chapter 4 

Reasons for Removal 44 

Various Objections; Fears and Doubts 47 

Considerations which prevailed 48 


Chapter 6 


Guiana discussed ^'^ 

Virginia resolved on; the Virginia Company approached ... 50 

Letter of Sir Edwin Sandys • • .52 

Reply of the Leyden Church 54 

Letter to Sir John Wolstenholme 56 

Declarations concerning the Polity of the Leyden Church ... 56 

Letters of "S. B." and of Robert Cushman 57 

Blackwell's Migration to Virginia 60 

Letter of Sabin Staresmore 61 

The Virginia Company grants a Patent 62 

Chapter 6 

Weston's Proposals 64 

Carver and Cushman sent to England as Agents .... 65 

The Agreement with the Adventurers 66 

Letter of Robinson to Carver 68 

Letter of other Members of the Church 70 

Cushman's Reply 71 

Another Letter from Cushman 74 

A Letter of Cushman to Carver 77 

Chapter 7 

Purchase of the Speedwell; Departure from Delfshaven ... 78 

The Pilgrims at Southampton 80 

Their Remonstrance to the Merchant Adventurers .... 81 

Robinson's Farewell Letters 83 

Chapter 8 

The Speedwell found to be Leaking; the Pilgrims return to Plymouth 87 

Cushman's Complaining and Discouraged Letter .... 89 

Chapter 9 

The Voyage of the Mayflower 92 

Arrival at Cape Cod 95 

Reflections on the Situation of the Pilgrims 96 

Chapter 10 

The Exploration of Cape Cod 97 

The Voyage of the Shallop around Cape Cod Bay .... 100 

The Landing of the Explorers at Plymouth 104 



The Mayflower Compact 106' 

John Carver chosen Governor 107 

Hardships and Many Deaths in the First Winter .... 108 

The Appearance of Samoset and Squanto; Treaty with Massasoit . 110 

Dermer's Letter from the Site of Plymouth 112 


The Return of the Mayflower; the Beginning of Planting 
The Death of Carver; Bradford chosen Governor 

Civil Marriage instituted 

Winslow and Hopkins sent as Envoys to Massasoit . 
Corbitant's Attack on Hobomok; Standish's punitive Expedition 
The Gathering of the Harvest; the Arrival of the Fortune 
Letter of Weston 


Cushman persuades the Colonists to accept the Adventurers' Conditions 123 


Letter of Bradford to Weston 

The Narragansetts; Fortifications; Christnias 


Squanto suspected 

Letters from Weston and the Adventurers 
Weston's Selfishness; Letters from Cushman and Peirce 
Scarcity of Provisions; the Fort and Meeting-house . 
Visit of John Pory; Troubles with Weston's People . 



Dissolution of Weston's Colony 143 

Weston assisted 145 

The Beginning of Individual Planting 146 

Peirce treacherously obtains a Patent for Himself .... 149 

Arrival of Captain Francis West 151 

Scarcity of Provisions 152 

Arrival of the Anne and Little James 153 

Arrangements with the New Comers 158 

Arrival of Captain Robert Gorges 158 

Weston is called to Account 159 

The Settlers who came with Gorges 163 


The Loss of the Little James 165 

Winslow brings Letters from Sherley and Cushman . . . .167 



Answers of the Pilgrims to the Adventurers' Complaints . . .170 

\Letters of Robinson to Bradford and Brewster 172 

Progress of Planting and Other Industries 175 

Arrival of Lyford; Troubles with him and Oldham . . • .177 

Answers to their Accusations 1°^ 

Lyford's Apparent Repentance . . . 1°° 

His Treachery confuted 1°^ 

The Repairing of the Little James 194 


The Humiliation of Oldham and Lyford 196 

Certain Adventurers complain as to Ecclesiastical Polity . . . 201 

Letters from the Friendly Adventurers 203 

Fishing and Other Business 205 


News of the Death of Robinson and Cushman 208 

Trading on the Coast of Maine 211 

Allerton sent to England to arrange with the Adventurers . . 212 


A New Agreement negotiated by him 213 

It is accepted by the Colony 215 

Arrangements made for Sharing its Obligations 216 

The Loss of the Sparrow-Hawk 218 

Pinnace and House built at Manomet 222 

Correspondence with the Dutch of Manhattan . . . . . 223 

Twelve Men undertake the Debts and Trade of the Colony . . 227 


Letters of Sherley 229 

AUerton's Conduct as Agent 233 

Trade with the Dutch 234 

Morton and his Company at Merry Mount • 236 

His Conduct endangers the Settlers 239 

His Establishment is broken up 241 

Allerton's Double-Dealing 243 


Letters of Sherley 245 

Further Arrivals of Members from Leyden • . . , . 246 



Letter of Sherley regarding the Kennebec Patent .... 248 

The Return of Morton 

Allerton abuses his Agency .... 

Letter of Sherley and Hatherley concerning Ashley 

Misgivings as to Allerton 

Arrival of Rev. Ralf Smith . . . . 

The Salem Church; Letters of Endecott and Gott 




The Colonists deceived in their Hopes of receiving Trading Goods . 262 

Letter from Sherley 264 

Hatherley, after Investigation, discovers AUerton's Double-Dealing . 266 

Execution of John Billington 270 

The Forming of the Church at Cherlestown 271 


Letter from Winslow in England 273 

Letters from Sherley; the Friendship and the White Angel . . 274 

Reflections concerning Allerton's course 277 

His Accounts 280 

His Subsequent 111 Fortune 283 

The French despoil the Trading House at Penobscot . . . 285 

The Episode of Sir Christopher Gardiner 286 

His Machinations in England 288 


Sherley's Undue Leniency to Allerton 290 

Hatherley comes over as a Colonist 292 

The Growth of Agriculture; Expansion of the Colony . . . 293 

Letter of William Peirce 295 


Edward Winslow chosen Governor 296 

Letter of Sherley 297 

Arrival of Roger Williams 299 

The Establishment of a Trading Post on the Connecticut River . 300 


Thomas Prence chosen Governor 303 

Collision with the Pascataway Men on the Kennebec .... 304 

Intervention of the Massachusetts Authorities 306 

Winslow sent to England to explain 310 



Captain Stone's Attempts against the Plymouth Men . . • 310 

Pestilence among the Indians 312 


Winslow's Agency in England; his Imprisonment . . . .314 

Letter of Sherley 317 

D'Aulney plunders the Trading-House at Penobscot .... 318 

Failure of Attempts to retake the House 319 

Great Storm 322 

The Massachusetts Men attempt to dispossess the Plymouth Men on 

Connecticut River 323 

Letter of Jonathan Brewster 323 

Correspondence between the two Colonies 324 


Edward Winslow chosen Governor 327 

Letter of Sherley 328 

State of Accounts with him 330 

Trouble with the Pequoits 332 


Letter of Governor John Winthrop proposing War .... 335 

The War with the Pequots 338 

Letter of Governor Winthrop describing the War .... 340 

The Fate of Sassacus . 343 


Thomas Prence chosen Governor; Execution of Arthur Peach . . 344 

Growing Prosperity of the Colony 347 

Great Earthquake 348 

1639 AND 1640 

Boundary Dispute between Massachusetts and Plymouth . . . 349 

The Agreement as to the Boundary 351 

Bradford surrenders to the Colony the Patent of 1630 . . . 353 

Endeavors to make a Final Settlement with the Adventurers . . 354 


Letter of Sherley as to Settlement of Accounts 357 

The Agreement made with Sherley 359 

Arrival of Charles Chauncy as Minister 3g2 




Causes for the Growth of Iniquity in the Country .... 363' 

Correspondence with Governor BeUingham 365 

Letters of Sherley respecting Final Settlement 368 

Settlement effected with the Adventurers 371 


Death of Elder William Brewster 375 

Details respecting his Life and Character 376 

Reflections on the Endurance of the Pilgrims . . . . . 380 

The New England Confederation; Text of the Articles . . . 382 - 

Miantonomi defeated by Uncas and killed 388 


Edward Winslow chosen Governor 390 

Actions of the Commissioners of the Confederation . . . .391 

Trouble with the Narragansetts 392 


Preparations for War with the Narragansetts 395 

Debate as to the Authority for War 398 

War averted by Negotiations; Treaty with the Indians . . . 400 


The Episode of Captain Thomas Cromwell 404 

Appendix I. 

Passengers of the Mayflower 407 

Their Posterity 409 

Appendix II. 

Commission of 1634 for regulating Plantations 415 

(xvi blank) 


First Page of the Bradford Manuscript. From the original in the 

Massachusetts State Library Frontispiece 

Captain John Smith's Map op New England. From a copy of the 

fifth state of the map in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) 95 

The Mayflower Compact. From the original Bradford manuscript in 

the Massachusetts State Library 107 

Title-page of "Motjet's Relation." From a copy of the original 

edition in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) . . 115 



The new liturgy adopted by the English Church at the 
time of the Reformation retained some features, to which, as 
relics of Romanism, a considerable body of the church refused 
to conform. They remained, however, within the fold of the 
church endeavoring to purify it from every taint of the old 
rehgion. These were called Puritans. Another body, under 
the pressure of persecution, were not long content with ob- 
jections to a ritual, but resenting prelatical power abandoned 
the chm-ch and organized congregations of their own. These 
were called Separatists. 

A biographical sketch of Governor Bradford must neces- 
sarily include a reference to the Separatist movement, with 
which he became early associated. Like an epidemic, which 
when checked in one locaUty breaks out in a far distant 
one, the seed of Separatism, when blasted in the ecclesiastical 
environment of London and its neighborhood, found a lodg- 
ment in more congenial soil in districts farther north. On 
or near the line of what was once called the great North Road 
were the town of Gainsborough in Lincolnshire and the villages 
of Austerfield and Bawtry in Yorkshire and Scrooby and 
Babworth in Nottinghamshire. Bawtry, the present railroad 
centre of these places, hes on the line of the Great Northern 
Railway, 151| miles from London. It contains perhaps a 
population of about five hundred, but it is chiefly interesting 
as a convenient stopping-place for visitors to Austerfield, 
the birthplace of Governor Bradford, a mile or more away on 
the north, and to Scrooby, the birthplace of the Pilgrim Church, 
a mile or more away on the south. The student of Pilgrim 
history will recognize on its store-signs a niunber of names 
held by the famiUes in Plymouth and its neighborhood to-day. 


In the district including the places above mentioned, the 
two clergymen, especially distinguished in the early Separatist 
movement about the time of the close of EUzabeth's reign, 
and in the early years of King James, were Richard Clyfton 
and John Smyth, both of whom were Cambridge University 
men. Smyth appears to have been settled as a pastor of the 
estabhshed church in Lincohi until some time in 1605, when 
he began to minister to a non-conformist congregation in 
Gainsborough, from which place he went with his church to 
Amsterdam in 1606 or 1607.' His arrival in Gainsborough 
is thought by some writers to have been at an earlier period, 
and these writers have ventured to conjecture that some of 
those who later organized the Pilgrim Church in Scrooby were 
guided into the path leading to separatism by attending his 
ministrations. But after sifting all the evidence which re- 
searches up to the present date have disclosed, I have reached 
the conclusion that Smyth's church was in its origin contempo- 
rary with and not antecedent to the church at Scrooby. With 
this conclusion. Rev. John Smyth and his church will have no 
further place in this narrative. 

On the other hand, Rev. Richard Clyfton, who had been 
vicar at Mamham, became rector at Babworth as early as 
July 11, 1586,^ when by his ministrations he prepared the way 
of many to organize the church in Scrooby, ten miles away 
on the north. Governor Bradford in his history caUs him "a 
grave and reverend preacher, who by his pains and diligence 
had done much good, and under God had been the means of 
the conversion of many." He was born in Normanton, 
Derbyshire, and graduated at Cambridge, but the exact year 
in which he settled in Babworth is not known. His assumption 
of the duties of pastor of the Pilgrim Church in Scrooby prob- 
ably took place either in the latter part of 1606 or in the early 
part of 1607. WiUiam Brewster, occupying the manor house 

'See Edward Arber, The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers (London, 1897) 
pp. 4&-54. 2 See Arber, p. 52. 


in that town, was the founder of the ch |v, -and holding the 
government office of master of the post in bcrooby from April 1, 
1594, to September 30, 1607, it may be fairly conjectured that 
he could not have been an officer of the crown* many months 
after the organization of a proscribed church. 

At this place in our narrative WiUiam Bradford enters 
the scene. His family, deriving its name from the Saxon 
Bradenford or Bradford, belonged to the yeoman class, and 
Uved in Austerfield, a small town one mile or more from 
Bawtry, two miles or more from Scrooby, ten miles from 
Gainsborough, and ten miles from Babworth, and containing 
a farming population of about three hundred. Coats of arms 
have been held by Bradford families in Yorkshire and other 
counties, but there is no evidence that either of these famiHes 
included the Austerfield Bradfords. In 1575 William Brad- 
ford and John Hanson of Austerfield were assessed to the sub- 
sidies. The former of these had three sons, Robert, Thomas 
and William, and died January 10, 1595. The last-named son 
married January 21, 1584, Alice, daughter of John Hanson, 
above mentioned, and was the father of WiUiam, the future 
Governor of the Plymouth Colony. WilUam Bradford, the 
father, died July 15, 1591, leaving his son Wilfiam, about two 
years of age, to the care of his uncles. Cotton Mather describes 
Austerfield at that time as an "obscure village, where the people 
were as unacquainted with the Bible as the Jews do seem to have 
been with part of it in the days of Josiah." After a long sick- 
ness, when about twelve years of age, young Bradford became 
much impressed by the Scriptures and by the preaching of 
Clyfton, to listen to which he was in the habit of walking to 
Babworth."" The inevitable result was the question which he 
asked himself "whether it was not his duty to withdraw from 
the commimion of the Parish Assemblies and engage with some 
Society of the Faithful that should keep close imto the written 
Word of God as the rule of their Worship." After reaching 

' See Arber, p. 86. 


a definite decisioj inc' abandon the church and faith of his 
family he answered their remonstrances by saying: "Were 
I hke to endanger my Hfe or consume my estate by any im- 
godly courses, your counsels to me were veiy seasonable. 
But you know that I have been dihgent and provident in my 
CaUing, and not only desirous to augment what I have, but also 
to enjoy it in your company, to part from which will be as great 
a cross as can befall me. Nevertheless, to keep a good con- 
science and walk in such a Way as God has prescribed in his 
Word, is a thing which I must prefer before you all, and above 
hfe itself. Wherefore, since it is for a good Cause that I am 
likely to suffer the disasters which you lay before me, you have 
no cause to be either angry with me or sorry for me. Yea, I 
am not only willing to part with everything that is dear to me 
in this world for this Cause, but I am also thankful that God 
hath given me a heart so to do, and will accept me so to suffer 
for him." Thus in the obscure town of Austerfield, three 
hundred years ago, the farmer boy spoke words which for all 
coming time will illustrate his character and illuminate his Ufe. 
Among the nations of the earth what founder has sanctified 
his work with such words of godliness, seK-sacrifice and duty ? 

Aside from family ties there was nothing in Austerfield 
to bind him to his native village. Its people had acquired 
little education, and its homes were lowly and imattractive. 
It has no features to-day of any interest to a stranger, except 
the house in which, according to a doubtful tradition, Brad- 
ford was born, and the small and unsightly St. Helen's chapel, 
a rehc of days long before the Reformation, in which, as its 
register states, WiUiam Bradford was baptized by Rev. Henry 
Fletcher, March 19, 1589-1590.* 

"V\Tien it was decided by the Scrooby chin-ch to remove to 

'It has been stated that the Bradford baptismal font was removed many 
years ago to the Retford church, but I learn from Rev. A. F. Ebworth, the rector 
of Retford, that this is not true. The font now in the Austerfield church is 
believed by Rev. Mr. Meredith, the present rector, to be the original Nonnan 
font which served at the baptism of Bradford. 


Holland, Bradford, then about seventeen years of age, was 
ready to join them. It was necessary that the removal should 
be conducted as secretly as possible. A law passed March 23, 
1593, requiring non-conformists to abjure the realm, had been 
repealed February 9, 1598, and the existing law forbade any 
one to go out of the kingdom without a royal Ucense. Their 
destined port was Amsterdam, to which they were to proceed 
by the way of Boston in Lincolnshire. The passage to Boston 
was probably down the river Idle to Gainsborough, and thence 
by the River Witham to the' seaboard. At that time the Idle 
was navigable as far up as Bawtry, and until the days of rail- 
roads freight was transported from Bawtry by the Idle and 
the Trent to the seaport of Hull. The attempt to reach Am- 
sterdam was frustrated by the treachery of the captain of the 
transport engaged to receive the party at Boston, and after 
the dispersion of its members, and the imprisonment of some, 
all returned to their homes. 

In the spring of 1608 another attempt was made to cross 
to Holland from the river Humber, near Grimsby, on a Dutch 
vessel engaged for the purpose. The Humber was reached by 
way of the Idle and the Trent, but after a portion of the party 
had gone on board, armed emissaries appeared on the shore 
and dispersed the remainder. The vessel sailed with those 
who had embarked, including Bradford, and after a narrow 
escape from wreck, reached Amsterdam in safety. At various 
times afterwards, those who were left behind reached Amster- 
dam, and before the close of the summer the whole congregation, 
including their pastors, Clyfton and Robinson, had reached 
that city. When the Privy Council was notified of the arrests, 
the persons arrested were soon released, the authorities doubt- 
less believing it would be better to have them out of the king- 
dom than in. Bradford on his arrival in Holland was put under 
arrest for a time, but was soon released by the magistrates. 

For reasons not necessary to explain in this narrative, the 
members of the Scrooby church, including Bradford, removed 


to Leyden in 1609, and made that place their home. Accord- 
ing to Cotton Mather, it appears that while in Amsterdam 
Bradford was employed by a Frenchman in "the working of 
silks," and that about 1611, having come of age, he sold out his 
inheritance and converted it into money. While in Leyden 
he engaged in the business of making fustian, a kind of ribbed 
cloth hke corduroy or velveteen, a business which Mather 
hints did not prove profitable. The records of the Stadhuis, 
or City Hall, in Leyden, show that the first pubUcation of his 
bans of marriage was made on November 8, 1613, and that on 
November 30 William Bradford, fustian maker, a young man 
of Austerfield, in England, was married to Dorothy May of 
"Wizbuts."^ Little besides the above is known of Bradford's 
career while in Leyden. To the older members of the church, 
John Carver, Robert Cushman and WilUam Brewster, were 
intrusted the negotiations for their emigration to America, 
but it is evident that by study and industry, and the display 
of a trustworthy judgment, he was laying the foundation for 
the estimate in which he came to be held by the colonists. 
Mather says that at a later period "he attained imto a notable 
skill in language. The Dutch tongue was become almost as 
vernacular to him as the Enghsh. The French tongue he 
could also manage. The Latin and Greek he had mastered. 
But the Hebrew he most of all studied, because, he said, he 
would see with his own eyes the ancient oracles of God in their 
native beauty." 

Nothing more is known concerning Bradford until after the 
arrival of the Mayflower in Cape Cod harbor on November 11, 
1620. On that day an expedition was fitted out to explore 
the land, consisting of sixteen men imder the command of 
Myles Standish, to whom were added as counsel Wilham 
Bradford, Stephen Hopkins and Edward Tilley. The expedi- 
tion returned on the 17th, reporting among other incidents 

' Wisbech or Wisbeach, a municipal borough on the river Wen, in Cam- 


the entanglement of Bradford in an Indian deer-trap made 
with a noose attached to a bent tree. 

On the 27th another expedition was fitted out mider the 
command of Captain Jones of the Mayflower, of thirty or more 
whose names are not recorded, but which probably included 
Bradford. This expedition returned to the ship on the 29th 
and 30th, without results important to our narrative. On 
December 6 a third expedition was fitted away in the shallop 
with the determination to find, if possible, a suitable place for 
a permanent settlement. The following persons composed the 
shallop's party: Myles Standish, John Carver, WiUiam Brad- 
ford, Edward Winslow, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, John 
Howland, Richard Warren, Stephen Hopkins, Edward Doty, 
John AUerton, Thomas Enghsh, John Clark, mate, Robert 
Coppin, pilot, the master gunner and three sailors, eighteen 
in all. On the 8th, at a place now known as Eastham, they 
had an encounter with the Indians, and on the 11th landed at 
Plymouth, after spending Saturday the 9th and Sunday the 
10th on Clarke's Island, at the entrance of Plymouth harbor. 
The landing at Plymouth on December 11, old style, was the 
historic landing. 

On December 12th the expedition returned to the ship and 
learned the sad news of the death by drowning, December 7, 
of Dorothy the wife of Bradford. On the 16th the ship reached 
Plymouth harbor, where she remained until April 5, when she 
sailed for England. It is recorded that on "Thursday the 11th 
[of January] WilUam Bradford being at work, for it was a fair 
day,* was vehemently taken with a grief and pain, and so shot 
to his huckle-bone it was doubted that he would have instantly 
died. He got cold in the former Discoveries, especially the 
last, and felt some pain in his ankles by times. But he grew 
a little better towards night, and in time, through God's 

' The only positive information concerning the weather in Plymouth during 
the winter of 1620, is contained in a letter from Thomas White of Dorchester, in 
1630, to a friend in England, which stated that a colony landed at Plymouth 
ten years before, when there was a foot of snow on the ground. 


mercy in the use of means, recovered." On Friday the 19th, 
while Bradford lay sick in the rendezvous or common house, 
the building was burned, but he escaped without injury. 

And now we have reached the threshold of Bradford's 
career, as governor of the Plymouth Colony. About the middle 
of April John Carver, who had been governor up to that time, 
died, and Bradford was chosen to succeed him. Winslow and 
Standish were comparatively recent members of the Pilgrim 
company, and Brewster was the elder, but Bradford had been 
a member of the church since the time of its organization in 
1606, and his companions had discovered in him traits which 
suggested him at once as the man to take Carver's place. 

Before Governor Carver died he had executed a treaty 
with Massasoit, the aim of which was to secure peace with the 
Indians, and one of the first acts of Bradford was to send a 
mission consisting of Winslow and Hopkins to the home of 
the great chief to more thoroughly confirm amicable relations 
between the natives and the colony. In September he sent ten 
men in the shallop to Massachusetts to examine what is now 
Boston harbor, and to trade with the Indians. In November 
it became necessary on the arrival of the Fortune with thirty- 
five passengers to provide for their comfort, and to arrange for 
a cargo of beaver skins and clapboards for her return voyage. 
A more important affair, however, was to be settled before the 
Fortune returned, which required tact and judgment. An 
vmsatisfactory contract between Robert Cushman, the agent 
of the colonists, and the merchant adventurers in London had 
been drawn up before the Mayflower sailed from Southampton, 
which the colonists refused to sign, and the Mayflower sailed 
without its execution. Cushman came out in the Fortune to 
secure the necessary signatm-es of the colonists, and what is 
called a sermon dehvered by him in the "common house" was 
clearly a speech to induce the colonists to close the contract. 
He was successful in his mission, and returned to England 
with the contract signed. 


The winter and early spring of 1621 must be assigned as 
the period when Bradford first appeared as an author. In 
1622 a book was printed in London entitled A Relation or 
Journal of the Beginning and Proceedings of the English Planta- 
tion settled at Plymouth in New England, commonly called 
"Mourt's Relation," the chief feature of which is a journal 
kept by Wilham Bradford from the date of the departure of 
the Mayflower from old Plymouth on Wednesday, September 
6, 1620, to Friday, March 23, on which day John Carver was 
chosen governor. The other contents of the book are a letter 
from John Robinson, written at the time of the departure of 
the Mayflower from England, four narratives of missions to 
Massasoit, to Nauset, to Nemasket and to Massachusetts; 
a letter from Edward Winslow, probably to George Morton, 
dated Plymouth in New England, December 11, 1621, and a 
statement by Robert Cushman on the lawfulness of moving out 
of England. It contains also a letter from R. G. to his much 
respected friend, Mr. J. P., dated Plymouth, in New England, 
and a notice to the reader, signed G. Mourt. The paging be- 
gins with the journal, and runs through seventy-two pages. 

Inasmuch as Bradford was its chief author, I will attempt 
to clear up some of the mystery which has heretofore sur- 
roimded this interesting and valuable book. It has been 
assumed by former writers that the journal, the four narratives 
and the letter of Winslow were sent to England by the hand of 
Robert Cushman, who came out and returned in the Fortune, 
and were pubMshed by George Morton, who signed himself 
G. Mourt. I ventvire, however, to suggest that the journal 
of Bradford was sent to England by the Mayflower, which 
sailed on April 5, and not by the Fortune. This suggestion is 
strengthened by the probabiKty that Bradford would wish to 
improve the first opportunity to send to friends in England an 
account of the voyage of the Mayflower, and of the incidents 
occurring since her arrival. Another conjecture naturally fol- 
lows, that the narratives of the visits to Massasoit and to 


Massachusetts, which bear internal evidence of having been 
written by Winslow, together with his letter, were sent to 
George Morton by the Fortune, while the Nauset and Nemasket 
narratives, written probably by Richard Gardhier and some 
other author, were sent to John Pierce, a friend of the Pilgrims, 
and later were delivered to Morton. 

The assumption of Dr. Yoimg, approved by Dr. Dexter 
and other writers, that the mitials R. G. attached to the letter 
to J. P., were a misprint for R. C, and that Robert Cushman 
was the author, will not bear a close investigation. It is 
argued in its support that the author could not have been 
Richard Gardiner, who was the only Mayflower passenger with 
the initials R. G., because, first, he was an humble member of 
the colony who would not have referred to the other narra- 
tives in the book, includmg those of Bradford and Winslow, 
as "writ by the several actors themselves, after their plain 
and rude manner . . . better acquainted with planting than 
writing"; secondly, that his feeble interest in the colony is 
shown by the fact that he did not remain there long enough to 
share in the division of lands in the spring of 1624 ; and thirdly, 
that Bradford says in his history that Gardiner became a 
seaman, and died in England or at sea. 

The answers to these arguments are, first, the presimiption 
that there was no misprint; secondly, that Gardiner's place 
at the end of Bradford's Ust of passengers was naturally among 
those having no famiUes, and not necessarily because he was 
among the less conspicuous, and further, that (as above sug- 
gested) the journal of Bradford had been sent by the Mayflower, 
while the narratives and letter written by Winslow were not 
those referred to by Gardiner, having been inclosed directly to 
George Morton, but were the narratives of himself and another 
of visits to Nauset and Nemasket; thirdly, that Gardiner did 
share in the division of lands in 1624, receiving one acre on the 
south side of the brook, and may have been a valued member 
of the colony five or six years, and that the fact that he became 


a seaman (not necessarily a mere sailor) does not prove his unfit- 
ness as a writer, and finally, the letter in question clearly shows 
that its author must have been one of the Mayflower passengers.' 
It must be remembered that the Fortune was captured on 
her way home by a French man-of-war, and that the official 
complaints =* against the outrages perpetrated by the master 
of the ship contained the specification "that he sent for all 
their letters; opened and kept what he pleased; especially, 
though he was much intreated to the contrary, a letter written 
by the Governor of om- Colony in New England, containing a 
general relation of all matters there." This relation, written 
by Bradford as governor, was probably a continuation of that 
which, according to my theory, was sent by him, not yet gov- 
ernor, on the Mayflower. Its existence and loss confirm my 
theory, and lead to the further suggestion that some of the 
narratives sent to John Pierce, may have been also stolen. 

» The letter of R. G. was as follows: "To his much respected friend Mr. J. P. 
Good friend: As we cannot but account it an extraordinary blessing of God in 
directing our course for these parts, after we came out of our native country, for 
that we had the happiness to be possessed of the comforts we receive by the benefit 
of one of the most pleasant, most healthful and most fruitful parts of the world, 
so must we acknowledge the same blessing to be multiplied upon our whole Com- 
pany for that we obtained the honor to receive allowance and approbation of our 
free possession and enjoying thereof, under the authority of those thrice honored 
persons, the President and Council for the Affairs of New England; by whose 
bounty and grace in that behalf all of us are tied to dedicate our best service unto 
them, as those under His Majesty that we owe it unto, whose noble endeavors in 
these their actions the God of Heaven and earth multiply to his glory and their 
own eternal comforts. 

"As for this poor Relation, I pray you to accept it, as being writ by the several 
actors themselves after their plain and rude manner. Therefore doubt nothing of 
the truth thereof. If it be defective in any thing, it is their ignorance that are 
better acquainted with planting than writing. If it satisfy those that are well 
affected to the business, it is all I care for. Siure I am the place we are in, and the 
hopes that are apparent cannot but sufiSce any that will not desire more then 
enough. Neither is there want of aught among us but company, to enjoy the 
blessings so plentifully bestowed upon the inhabitants that are here. While I 
was a writing this, I had almost forgot that I had but the recommendation of the 
Relation itseLF to your further consideration, and therefore I will end without saying 
more, save that I shall always rest, Yours in the way of Friendship, 

R. G." 

" See list of complaints in Arber, p. 507. 


Of this valuable book only seven copies of the first edition 
are extant as far as I know, six of which are in the hbraries 
of Harvard College, Yale College, the Lenox Library, the 
Library Company of Philadelphia, the Pilgrim Society of 
Plymouth, and the British Museum. The seventh is in a 
private hbrary. The following entire or partial reprints of 
Mourt's Relation have been pubUshed. In 1624 an abstract 
was printed by John Smith in his Generall Historie; in 1625 
it was pubhshed in a condensed form in the Pilgrims of Piu-chas, 
and in 1802 in the same form in the Collections of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society. The portion omitted by Purchas 
was printed in the above collections in 1822. In 1841 Rev. 
Dr. Alexander Yoimg printed the whole work in a book entitled 
Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers. In 1848 Rev. George B. 
Cheever pubhshed the whole, and in 1865 Rev. Dr. Henry 
M. Dexter pubhshed a literal reprint. In 1897 Edward Arber 
pubhshed the entire book in London in his Story of the Pilgrim 

The above suggestion which I have ventured to make 
concerning a book which is the more valuable because it is 
the foundation stone of American hteratiire, the first book 
written by permanent American citizens, is submitted to 
future writers on Pilgrim history for their reconsideration of 
the statements of Young and Dexter, and others, with some 
degree of confidence that it will be finally accepted as the 
only one which clears up the mystery which has heretofore 
surrounded the book. 

WilUam Bradford was chosen governor in 1621, and every 
year thereafter imtil 1657, except 1633, 1636 and 1644, when 
Edward Winslow was chosen, and 1634 and 1638, when Thomas 
Prence was chosen^ To his faithful and judicious administra- 
tion of affairs it cannot be doubted that the survival and 
permanent estabhshment of the Plymouth Colony were mainly 
due. On August 14, 1623, he married Alice, daughter of 
Alexander Carpenter and widow of Edward Southworth, who 


came in the Anne in July of that year. By his first wife he had 
a son, John, bom in Leyden, who, coming over at some time 
later than 1620, lived at various times in Duxbury, Marshfield 
and Norwich, in which latter place he died childless in 1678. 
By his second wife he had WilUam, bom in 1624, who died in 

1704, Mercy, bom before 1627, who married Benjamin Ver- 
mayes, and Joseph, 1630, who died in 1715. 

Governor Bradford owned at various . times considerable 
tracts of land in Plymouth, among which may be mentioned 
a house and lot on the comer of Main Street and Town 
Square, and a house and lot near Stony Brook, in that part 
of Plymouth which was incorporated as Kingston, in 1726, in 
both of which he at various times made his home. 

The History of Plymouth Plantation begun by Governor 
Bradford about the year 1630/ and coming down to 1648, has 
a value which it is impossible to exaggerate. Without it 
the history of the Plymouth Colony, now so complete, would 
have been, so far as its early years are concemed, involved in 
mystery. In a note written by him, found among papers in 
his pocket-book, he said soon after 1626 "it was God's marvel- 
lous Providence that we were able to wade through things as 
will better appear if God give me Ufe and opportimity to handle 
them more particularly in another treatise more at large as I 
desire and purpose (if God permit) with many other things in 
a better order." 

The manuscript had an eventful career.'' According to an 
attestation attached to it by Samuel Bradford, dated March 20, 

1705, it was given by the govemor to his son William, who 
gave it to his son Major John Bradford, the father of Samuel. 
The manuscript bears also a memorandmn made by Rev. 
Thomas Prince, dated June 4, 1728, stating that he borrowed 
it from Major John Bradford, and deposited it, together with 

• See p. 28, post. 

' See Justin Winsor, "Govemor Bradford's Manuscnpt History of Plymouth 
Plantation and Its Transmission to Our Times," in the Proceedings of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, XIX. 106-122. 


Governor Bradford's letter-book, in the New England Library 
in the tower of the Old South Church in Boston. When Prince 
died in 1758 he gave his Ubrary to the church. While in the 
possession of Wilham, the son of the governor, the manuscript 
was used by Nathaniel Morton in the preparation of the 
New England's Memorial, pubUshed in 1669, and it is known 
that later it was used by Prince in his Chronological History 
of New England, by Hubbard in his History of New England, 
and by Hutchinson in 1767 in his History of Massachusetts 
Bay. It is not improbable that it was in Hutchinson's pos- 
session when, adhering to the crown, he left the country, and 
that in some way before his death in Brompton, near London, 
in June, 1780, it reached the Library of the Bishop of London 
at Fulham, where it was discovered in 1855. Samuel Wilber- 
force. Bishop of Oxford, published in 1844 a history of the 
Protestant Episcopal Church in America, in the first edition of 
which he referred to a manuscript history of the plantation of 
Plymouth, which was recognized by John Wingate Thornton 
of Boston, and Rev. J. S. Barry, the author of a history of 
Massachusetts, as probably the long-lost history of Bradford. 
A copy was at once secured by the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, and ably edited by the late Charles Deane of Cam- 
bridge, was pubhshed in their Collections in 1856. 

Governor Bradford's letter-book and pocket-book were also 
deposited in the New England Library in the tower of the Old 
South Church. The former was found in Hahfax after the 
Revolution in a mutilated condition, and pubhshed in the 
Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, first series,in. 
27. The fragment of the letter-book which was recovered 
begms with the 339th page, and contains about thirty letters 
and original copies of one letter from Bradford to Robert 
Cushman, two to Ferdinando Gorges, two to the Council for 
New England, and three to the government of New Nether- 
lands. The pocket-book, which was seen by Prince m 1736, 
contained a register of deaths from that of Wm. Butten on 


board the Mayflower, November 6, 1620, to the end of March, 
1621. It is irretrievably lost. 

The manuscript of the history, after a copy had been 
secured in 1855, reposed in the Fulham Library until 1897, 
when after several ineffectual attempts to recover it a renewed 
effort was made by a formal petition signed by Roger Wolcott, 
governor of Massachusetts, and others, and filed in the reg- 
istry of the consistorial and episcopal court of London, by 
Thomas F. Bayard, the American Ambassador to the Court 
of St. James, requesting the deUvery of the manuscript to the 
Commonwealth of Massachusetts. On April 12, 1897, a decree 
was issued, formally surrendering the manuscript to Mr. 
Bayard in behalf of the. State, and its dehvery to the governor 
of Massachusetts by Mr. Bayard was celebrated in a convention 
of the two houses of the legislature on May 26, 1897, where ad- 
dresses were made by Senator George F. Hoar, who had been 
especially active in the recovery of the manuscript, by Mr. 
Bayard, and by Governor Roger Wolcott. The manuscript 
is now deposited in the Massachusetts State Library, protected 
by a fire-proof safe, and is daily exhibited under glass to visitors. 
A photographic fac-simile of the manuscript was printed in 
London in 1896, with an introduction by the late John A. 
Doyle. Besides the two above-mentioned repubUcations the 
State of Massachusetts pubUsh^d it in 1898 in connection with 
a report of the proceedings incident to the dehvery of the 

In the same volume with the history but forming no part 
of it, are eight pages of Hebrew roots and quotations with 
explanations in Enghsh, a reference to which, illustrating as 
they do the scholarly habits of the author, ought not to be 
omitted. By way of preface to these pages Bradford wrote, 

"Though I am growne aged, yet I have had a longing desu'e, to 
see with my own eyes, something of that most ancient language, and 
holy tongue, in which the Law, and oracles of God were write; and 
in which God, and angels, spake to the holy patriarks, of old time; and 


what names were given to things, from the creation. And though I 
cannot attaine to much herein, yet I am refreshed, to have seen some 
glimpse hereof; (as Moses saw the Land of canan afarr of). My 
aime and desire is, to see how the words, and phrases lye in the holy 
texte; and to dicerne somewhat of the same for my owne contente." 

Besides the literary productions of Governor Bradford above 
mentioned, he left some poetical Hnes referred to in his will, 
and others to be found in the Davis edition of Morton's New 
England's Memorial, p. 264, and in the Collections of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, first series, IIL 77, and third 
series, VII. 27. The lines contained in the former volume, 
about four hundred in nimiber, written apparently after the 
death of John Cotton, which occurred in 1652, are interesting 
as throwing light on the condition of the Plymouth Colony 
thirty years after its settlement. 

He also wrote a dialogue entitled, A Dialogue or the Sum 
of a Conference between Some Young Men horn in New England 
and Sundry Ancient Men that came out of Holland and Old 
England, written in 1648, and printed for the first time in Dr. 
Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers in 1841. In 1855 it 
was again pubhshed in full by the Congregational Board of Pub- 
hcation in a voliraie containing also Morton's New England's 
Memorial. It may be properly stated here that there is in the 
cabinet of the Pilgrim Society at Plymouth an original letter 
from Governor Bradford to Governor Winthrop, dated 1643- 
1644. Another of his letters, of 1623, recently discovered in 
the PubUc Record Office in London, is printed in the American 
Historical Review, VIII. 295-301. 

It is unnecessary to refer to those incidents in Bradford's 
life which are fully described in his history, but such as need 
elucidation will be further treated in suitable annotations. 
Mather says in speaking of his death, "at length he fell into 
an indisposition of body which rendered him unhealthy for a 
whole winter [1656-1657], and as the Spring advanced his 
health yet more dechned. ... He died May 9th, 1657, hi the 


69th [or rather 68th] year of his age; lamented by all the 
Colonies of New England as a common Blessing and Father 
to them all," 

He was probably buried on the Plymouth Burial Hill. 
There is a family tradition that his son WilHam on his death- 
bed expressed a wish to be buried by the side of his father. 
In 1835 a modest marble obehsk was erected over his supposed 
grave adjoining the graves of his sons William and Joseph, 
and in excavating for its foundation rehcs of an ancient grave 
were found. It is not certain whether he died in his house 
on the corner of Main Street and Town Square in Plymouth, 
or in his house near Stony Brook in what is now Kingston, 
but the inventory' of his estate leads to the conclusion that 
his residence was in the latter place at the time of his death.^ 

William T. Davis. 

• While it is unnecessary to print the entire inventory of Governor Brad- 
ford's estate, a judicious selection from its contents will throw light on the per- 
sonal life of the governor, and on the habits and custbms of the Plymouth Colony. 
Among the articles mentioned are twelve chairs, three carpets, parts of an armor, 
seventeen sheets, seventy-nine napkins, ninety-odd poimds of pewter, seven 
porringers, four dozen trenchers, a cloth cloak, clothing including two suits with 
silver buttons, thirteen silver spoons, two silver beer-bowls, two silver wine-cups, 
and a case of six knives. There are no buckles, watch, carriage, looking-glass, 
forks, china or lamps. The value of the entire inventory was one thousand and 
five pounds and two shillings. 

' For modem reading in Pilgrim history, the student may turn to J. A. 
Goodwin, The Pilgrim Republic (Boston, 1888), to Rev. John Brown, The PH- 
grim Fathers of New England (London and New York, 1895), to Arber's book 
mentioned in previous footnotes, to Dr. Azel Ames's The May-Flower and Her 
Log (Boston, 1901), to Rev. Morton Dexter's The England and Holland of the 
Pilgrims (Boston, 1905), and to W. T. Davis's Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth 
(Boston, 1899), 



And first of ihe occasion and indusments ther unto; the which 
that I may truly unfould, I must begine at th &^very 
roote and rise of the same. The which I shall endevor 
£'lmnefest in a pUine stile , with singuler regard 
unto the simple trueth in all things, at least as near 
a s my slen d &r judgmmte can attaine the sam^. 

1. Chapter 

It is well knowne iinto the godly and judicious, how ever 
since the first breaking out of the lighte of the gospell in our 
Honourable Nation of England, (which was the first of nations 
whom the Lord adorned ther with, affter that grosse darknes 
of popery which had covered and overspred the Christian 
worled,) what warrs and opposissions ever since, Satan hath 
raised, maintained, and continued against the Saincts, from 
time to time, in one sorte or other. Some times by bloody 
death and cruell torments; other whiles imprisonments, 
i banishments, and other hard usages; as being loath his king- 
dom should goe downe, the trueth prevaile, andj^e chiuches 
of God reverte to their anciente puritie, and recover their 
primative order, hbertie, and hewtiej But when he cot;iId 
n ot prevaile by these means, aga inst the maine trueths of 
tfie^ gospell, but that they 13egan to take rootting in many 
places, being watered with the blooud of the martires, and 
blessed from heaven with a gracious encrease; HgJJtieaJaeg^ne^ 

' The exact title which Bradford gave to his book, as may be seen from our 
fac-simile of the first page, is "Of Pliiooth Plantation." The manuscript sign 
m, is intended for, and is properly represented in print by, mm, and in Brad- 
ford's text we shall print the name "Plimmoth." But it seems better to use, 
for title-page and headings, the conventional title, History of Plymouth Planta- 
tion, by which the book is commonly known. 



to take him to M.s„ancieni a.j^:^Sgmg§Uielof old against 
'tlie first Christians^ That when by the bloody andlmrbarous 
persecutions of the Heathen Emperours, he could not stoppe 
and subuerte the course of the gospell, but that it speedily 
overspred with a wounderfuU celeritie the then best known 
parts of the world, He then begane to sow errours, heresies, 
and wounderfuU dissentions amongst the profess ours-them 

lelves, (working upon tKeir'^dJand ambition, with other 
corfupfe^assions incidente to all mortall men, yea to the 
saints them selves in some measure,) by which wofuU effects 
followed; as not only bitter contentionsT'aM'ii^tburnings, 

■^*iSTII5Sr-mr'mEenTomBF"cS^ tooke 

occasion and a^an^^genEESr^TcTfoyst in a nmnoCT of vile 
ceremoneys, with many unproffitable cannons and decrees, 
which have since been as snares to many poore and peaceable 
souls even to this day. So as in the anciente times, the perse- 
cutions by the heathen and their Emperours, was not greater 
then of the Christians one against other; the Arians and 
other their comphces against the orthodoxe and true Christians. 
As witneseth Socrates in his 2. booke. His words are these;' 
The violence truly (saith he) was no less than that of ould prac- 
tised towards the Christians when they were compelled and 
drawne to sacrifice to idoles; for many indured sundrie kinds 
of tormente, often rackings, and dismembering of their joynts; 
confiscating of ther goods; some bereaved of their native soyle; 
others departed this life under the hands of the tormentor; and 
some died in banishmente, and never saw ther cuntrie againe, etc. 
The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold in these later 
times, since the trueth begane to springe and spread after 
the great defection made by Antichrist, that man of sinne. 

For to let pass the infinite examples in sundrie nations 
and severall places of the world, and instance in our owne, 
when as that old serpente could not prevaile by those firie 

' "Lib. 2 Chap. 22." (Note by Bradford, referring to the Church Hilary 
of Socrates Scholasticus.) 


flames and other his cruell tragedies, which he by his instru- 
ments put in ure' every wher in the days of queene Mary and 
before, he then begane an other kind of warre, and went more 
closely to worke; not only to oppuggenJ^but_e.Y£aJ.-t© ruinate 
and destroy the kingdom of Christ, by mQre,se.firete,and subtile 
means, by kindling the flames of contention and sowing the 
seeds of discorde^nd bitter enmitie amongst tEe. protEgssors 
'ffidseMimg'' reformed them selves. For when he could not 
pre?Sifei3]r' the former means against the principall doctrins 
of faith, he bente his force against the holy discipline and 
outward regimente of the kingdom of Christ, by which those 
holy doctrines should be conserved, and true pietie maintained§0&essaints and people of God. 

Mr. Foxe jecordeth how that besids those worthy martires 
anSTioirfSgsors which were burned in queene Marys days and 
otherwise tormented,^ many (both studients and others) fled 
out of the land, to the number of 800. And became severall 
congregations. At Wesell, Frankford, Bassill, Emden, Mark- 
jmrge, Strausborugh,^ and Geneva, etc. Amongst whom (but 
especialy those at Frankford) begane that bitter warr of con- 
tention and persecution aboute the ceremonies, and servise- 
booke, and other popish and antichristian stuffe, the plague 
of England to this day, which are like the highplases in Israeli, 
which the prophets cried out against, and were their ruine; 
which the better parte sought, according to the puritie of the 
gospell, to roote out and utterly to abandon. And the other 
parte (under veiled pretences) for their ouwn ends and advanc- 
ments, sought as stifly to continue, maintaine, and defend. As 
appeareth by the discourse therof pubhshedin printe, An°:1575; 
a booke that deserves better to be knowne and considered.' 

1 Use. ' Oppugn, attack. 

'"ActsandMon: pag. 1587. editi: 2." (Note by Bradford.) The refer- 
ence is to John Fox's Acts and Monuments of the Christian Church, commonly 
called "Fox's Book of Martyrs." 'Marburg, Strassburg. 

^ This book is entitled A Brieff Discours off the Troubles hegmne at Franck- 
ford in Germany, anno Domini 1554, printed in 1575, and probably written by 
William Whittingham, afterward dean of Durham. 


The one side laboured to have the right worship of God 
and disciphne of Christ estabhshed in the church, according 
to the simphcitie of the gospell, wit h out tJi a .Tni x ta^^ i^ens 
inventions, and to have and to be ruled by the laws of Gods 
wordTdi^ensed in those offices, and by those officers of Pastors, 
Teachers, and Elders, etc. according to the Scripturs/ The 
other partie, though under many colours and pretences, en- 
devored to have the episcopall dignitie (affter the popish 
manner) with their large power and jurisdiction still retamed; 
with all those courts, cannons, and ceremOttie^, togeather with 
all such Uvings^ revenues, and subordinate offifeers, with other 
such means as formerly upheld their antichristian greatnes, 
and enabled them with lord^afldJaS^o^JBgf er to perse- 
cute the poore servants of God. This contention was so great, 
as neither the honour of God, the commone persecution, nor 
the mediation of Mr. Calvin and other worthies of the Lord 
in those places, could prevaile with those thus episcopally 
minded, ^b«t4hey proceeded by all means to disturbe the peace 
of tMgr ]goorjgeragiSulifi4..£laMj:ph, even so farr as to charge 
(very uhjustly, and ungodlily, yet prelatelike) some of their 
cheefe opposers, with rebelhon and hightreason against the 
Emperour,^ and other such crimes. 

'Vf^ And this contention dye d not with queene Mary, nor was 
left beyonde the seas, but at her death these people returning 
into England under gracious queene Elizabeth, many of 

' Authorities differ so much concerning pastors, tesEchers and elders in the 
Congregational churches that it is difficult to define their functions and duties. 
Indeed each church seems to have had rules of its own concerning them. Accord- 
ing to the Cambridge Platform the pastor attended to exhortation; taught the 
word of God; prayed for the flock; administered the communion, and visited 
the sick. The teacher attended to the doctrine and was an assistant of the 
pastor. The duty of the elder was to call the church together, to prepare matters 
for church meetings, to act as moderator and guide and lead in church meetingSj 
and in the absence of the pastor to preach. The church in Salem never had an 
elder, and Thomas Faimce, who died in 1745, was the last elder of the Plymouth 
church. After his death the office of elder was obsolete. 

^The accusation was made at Frankfort in 1555 against John Knox, by 
some partisan of Richard Cox, in the course of the struggle between the twq 


them being preferred to bishopricks and other promotions, 
according to their aimes and desires, that inveterate hatered 
against the holy disciphne of Christ in his church hath con- 
tinued to this day. In somuch that for fear it should pre- 
veile, all plotts and devices have been used to keepe it out, 
incensing the queene and state against it as dangerous for 
the common wealth; and that it was most needfuU that the 
fundamentall poynts of Religion should be preached in those 
ignorante and superstitious times; and to winne the weake and 
ignorante, they might retains diverse harmles ceremoneis; 
and though it were to be wished that diverse things were 
reformed, yet this was not a season for it. And many the 
like, to stop the mouthes of the more godly, to bring them 
over to veeld to one ceremoney after another, and oa^ co^ 
"nmtion; a fter anoth er: by these wyles begyleing some-Tam 
"BSPFBjting others till at length they begane to persecute all 
the zealous professors in the land (though they knew little 
what this disciphne mente) both by word and deed, if they 
would not submitte to their ceremonies, and become slaves 
to them and their popish trash, which have no groimd m the 
word of God, but are relikes of that man of sine. ..And-fche 
more the Ught of the gospell grew, ihe more they urged their 
subscriptions to these corruptions. So as (notwithstanding 
all their former pretences and fair colures) they whose eyes 
God had not justly blinded might easily see wherto these 
things tended. And to cast contempte the more upon the 
sincere servants of God, they opprobriously and most injuri- 
ously gave imto, and imposed upon them, that name of Puri- 
tans, which [it] is said the Novatians out of prid did assume 
and take unto themselves.' And lamentable it is to see the 
effects which have followed. Religion hath been disgraced, 
the godly greeved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled, 
sundrie have lost their lives in prisones and otherways. On 

"'Eus: lib: 6. Chap. 42." (Note by Bradford, referring to the £cciesio«<icoZ 
History of Eusebius of Csesarea.) 


the other hand, sin hath been countenanced, ignorance, pro- 
fannes, and atheisme increased, and the papists encouraged 
to hope againe for a day. 

This made that holy man Mr. Perkins' crie out in his 
exhortation to repentance, upon Zeph. 2. Religion (saith he) 
hath been amongst us this 35. years ; but the more it is pub- 
lished, the more it is contemned and reproached of many, etc. 
Thus not prophanes nor wickednes, but Religion it selfe is a 
byword, a moking-stock, and a matter of reproach ; so that in 
England at this day the man or woman that begines to profes 
Religion, and to serve God, must resolve with hirHi selfe to sustains 
mocks and injueries even as though he lived amongst the enimies 
of Religion. And this commone experience hath confirmed 
and made too apparente. 

A late observation, as it were by the way, worthy to be Noted? 

Full litle did I thinke, that the downfall of t he_£ iabQpsy-with their 
courtsTt iaimuiis, and cg rggLgmesTetcThad been so nearejj^jifinJL.first be- 
gane these gcribled writings (which was aboute the YeajJL6305 and so 
peeced up at tim esofjeasure afterward'), or that I should have lived to 
have seene or heard of the same; but it is the Lord's doing, and ought to 
be marvelous in our eyes ! Every plante which mine heavenly father hath 
not planted (saitl> our Saviour) shall be rooted up. Mat : 15. 13.' I 
have snared the, and thou art taken, O Babell (Bishops), and thou wast 
not aware; thou art found, and also caught, because thou hast striven 
against the Lord. Jer. 50. 24. But will they needs strive against the 
truth, against the servants of God; what, and against the Lord him 
selfe? Doe they provoke the Lord to anger? Are they stronger than 
he? l.Cor: 10.22. No, no, they have mete with their match. Behold, 
I come unto thee, O proud man, saith the Lord God of hosts; for thy 
day is come, even the time that I will visite the. Jer : 50. 31. May 
not the people of God now say (and these pore people among the rest), 

'"Pag. 421." (Bradford, referring to William Perkins's sermon, A Faith- 
full and Plaine Exposition upon the first twoVerses of the 2. Chapter of Zephaniah, 
reprinted in his Workes, of which there are many editions. The passage quoted 
occurs on p. 421 of the third volume of the edition of 1613.) 

' A note of the author at this place, written subsequent to this portion of the 
narrative, on the reverse of page 3 of his History. 

' All these and subsequent passages are quoted from the Geneva version 
of the Bible. 


The Lord hath brought forth our righteousnes; come, let us declare in 
Sion the work of the Lord our God. Jer: 51. 10. Let all flesh be still 
before the Lord; for he is raised up out of his holy place. Zach : 2. 13. 
In this case, these poore people may say (among the thousands of 
Israll), When the Lord brougt againe the captivite of Zion, we were like 
them that dreame. Psa : 126. 1. The Lord hath done greate things for 
us, wherof we rejoyce. v. 3. They that sow in teares, shall reap in 
joye. They wente weeping, and carried precious seede, hut they shall 
retume with joye, and bring their sheaves, v. 5, 6. 


witneses^^df___the_same, and |;^ee Me handful! amongst the rest^ the least 
amongest the,^tlLftjis£iys^of Israll? You "have not only ""had a seede 
tmie, but many of you have scene the joyefull harvest; shgjjld.ypu not 
T Een^']oygg,--y^a7-aTia'"agaIne 're;ioYce.^ HaUelu-iahr salvation, 

and glone, and honour, and power, be to the Lord our God; for true 
and righteous are his judgments. Rev. 19. 1, 2. 

But thou wilte aske whatis,thg.^^atert»-What.js. done 2 . Why, .art 
thou astrangsEjtt-IsialljJJiatJthou- *h0^^ ? 

Are not those Jebusites overcome that have vexed the people of Israll 
so long, even holding Jerusalem till Davids days, and been as thorns 
in their sids, so many ages; and now begane to scorne that any David 
should meadle with them; they begane to fortifie their tower, as that 
of the old Babelonians; but those proud Anakimes are throwne downe, 
and their glory laid in the dust. The tiranous bishops are ejected, their 
courts dissolved, their cannons forceless, their servise casheired, their 
ceremonies uselese and despised; their plots for popery prevented, and 
all their superstitions discarded and returned to Roome from whence 
they came, and the monuments of idolatrie rooted out of the land. And 
the proud and profane suporters, and cruell defenders of these (as bloody 
papists and wicked athists, and their malignante consorts) marvelously 
over throwne. jj\.nd are no tJheaP gTpgta tViiTiny?__Whn can^denej[_it? 

But who hath done it ? Who, even he that siteth on the white horse, 
who is caled faithfull, and true, and judgeth and fighteth righteously. 
Rev : 19. 11. whose garments are dipte in blood, and his name was 
caled the word of God, v. 13. for he shall rule them with a rode of iron; for 
it is he that treadeth the winepress of the f eircenes and wrath of God al- 
mighty. Arid he hath upon his garmente, and upon his thigh, a name writen. 
The King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, v. 15, 16. Hallelu-iah. 

Anno Dom : 1646. 


But that I may come more near my intendmente; when 
as by the travell and dihgence of some godly and zealous 
preachers, and Gods blessing on their labours, as in other 
places of the land, so in the North parts, many became in- 
hghtened by the word of God, and had their ignorance and 
sins discovered imto them, and begane by his grace to reforme 
their lives, and make conscience of their wayes, the worke of- 
God was no sooner manifest in them, but presently they 
were both scoffed and scorned by the prophane multitude, 
and the ministers urged with the yoak of subscription, or els 
must be silenced; and the poore people were so vexed with 
apparators, and piu^uants,' and the comissarie courts, as 
truly their affliction was not smale; which, notwithstanding, 
they bore simdrie years with much patience, till they were 
occasioned (by the continuance and encrease of these troubls, 
and other means which the Lord raised up in those days) to 
see further into things by the hght of the word of God. How 
not only these base and beggerly ceremonies were imlawfull, 
but also that the lordly and tiranous power of the prelats 
ought not to be submitted unto; which thus, contrary to the 
freedome of the gospell, would load and burden mens con- 
sciences, and by their compulsive power make a prophane 
mixture of persons and things in the worship of God. And 
that their offices and calings, comi;s and cannons, etc. were 
unlawfull and antichristian; being such as have no warranto 
in the word of God; but the same that were used in poperie, 
and still retained. Of which a famous author thus writeth 
in his Dutch com[men]taries.^ At the coming of king James 
into England; The new king (saith he) found their [there] 
established the reformed religion, according to the reformed 
religion of king Edward the 6. Retaining, or keeping still the 

'Apparitors and pursuivants, oflicers of the ecclesiastical courts. 

= " Em: meter: lib: 25. fol. 119." (Note by Bradford.) The reference is 
to the Dutch history by Emanuel van Meteren, Corwmentarien ofte Memorien 
van den N ederlandtschen Staet, Handel, etc. (1610, etc.) The passage quoted 
is on fol. 472 of the edition of 1652. 


spirituall state of the Bishops, etc. after the ould maner, much 
varying and differing from the reformed churches in Scotland, 
France, and the Neatherlands, Embden, Geneva, etc. whose 
reformation is cut, or shapen much nerer the first Christian 
churches, as it was used in the Apostles times.^ 

So many therfore of these proffessors as saw the evill 
of these things, in thes parts, and whose harts the Lord had 
touched with heavenly zeale for his trueth, they shooke of 
this yoake of antichristian bondage, and as the Lords free 
people, joyned them selves (by a covenant of the Lord) into 
a church estate, in the felowship of the gospell, to walke in 
all his wayes, made known, or to be made known imto them, 
according to then- best endeavours, whatsoever it should cost 
them, the Lord assisting them. And that it cost them some- 
thing this ensewing historie will declare. 

These people became 2. distincte bodys or churches,^ 
and in regarde of distance of place did congregate severally; 
for they were of sundrie townes and vilages, some in Noting- 
amshire, some of LincoUinshire, and some of Yorkshire, wher 
they border nearest togeather. In one of these churches 
(besids others of note) was Mr John Smith, a man of able 
gifts, and a good preacher, who afterwards was chosen their 
pastor. But these afterwards falling into some errours in 
the Low Countries, ther (for the most part) buried them selves, 
and their names.' 

But in this other church (which must be the subjecte of 

'"The reformed churches shapen much nearer the primitive patteme then 
England, for they cashered the Bishops with al their courts, cannons, and cere- 
moneis, at the first; and left them amongst the popish tr. . to ch w^^ they per- 
tained." (Note by Bradford. The last word in the note is imcertain in the 
manuscript.) ''See the editor's Introduction. 

'Rev. John Smyth, preacher to the city of Lincoln, became about 1606 a 
Separatist, and pastor of a Separatist church at Gainsborough. With it he 
migrated to Amsterdam in 1608. There, after various changes of doctrine and 
practice respecting baptism, the church divided in 1609. The majority, imder 
Rev. Thomas Helwys, returned to England in 1613. Smyth died in Amsterdam 
in 1612. The minority of the church, his adherents, became absorbed among 
the Mennonites and other Dutch. 


our discourse) besids other worthy men, was Mr. Richard 
Clifton/ a grave and reverend preacher, who by his paines 
and dilHgens had done much good, and xmder God had ben 
a means of the conversion of many. And also that famous 
and worthy man Mr. John Robinson, who afterwards was 
their pastor for many years, till the Lord tooke him away 
by death. Also Mr. William Brewster^ a reverent man, who 
afterwards was chosen an elder of the church and lived with 
them till old age. 

But after these things they covld not long continue in 
any peaceable condition, but were hunted and persecuted 
on every side, so as their former afHictions were but as flea- 
bitings in comparison of these which now came upon them." 
For some were taken and clapt up in prison, others had their 
houses besett and watcht night and day, and hardly escaped 
their hands; and the most were faine to flie and leave their 
howses and habitations, and the means of their livelehood. 
Yet these and many other sharper things which afterward 
befell them, were no other then they looked for, and therfore 
were the better prepared to bear them by the assistance of 
Gods grace and spirite. Yet seeing them selves thus molested, 
and that ther was no hope of their continuance ther, by a 
joynte consente they resolved to goe into the Low-Countries, 
wher they heard was freedome of Religion for all men; as 
also how sundrie from London, and other parts of the land, 
had been exiled and persecuted for the same cause, and were 
gone thither, and lived at Amsterdam, and in other places of 
the land. So affter they had continued togeither aboute a 
year, and kept their meetings every Saboth in one place or 
other, exercising the worship of God amongst them selves, 
notwithstanding all the dilhgence and mahce of their advers- 

' Richard Clyfton was born in Normanton, Derbyshire. In 1586 he became 
rector of Babworth in Nottinghamshire. He afterwards became pastor of the 
Pilgrim church in Scrooby and went with the church to Amsterdam in 1608. 
He remained in Amsterdam when the church removed to Leyden, and died there 
May 20, 1616. 'See the Introduction. 


saries, they seeing they could no longer continue in that 
condition, they resolved to get over into Holland as they 
could; which was in the year 1607. and 1608.; of which more 
at large in the next chap. 

2. Chap. 

Of their departure into Holland and their trouhls ther ahoute, 
with some of the many difficulties they found and 
mete withalU 

An". 1608. 

Being thus constrained to leave their native soyle and 
- countrie, their lands and hvings, and all their freinds and 
famiUier acquaintance, it was much, and thought marvelous 
by manyTj But to goe into a coimtrie they knew not (but 
by hearsay^, wher they must learne a new language, and get 
their hvings they knew not how, it being a dear place, and 
subjecte to the misseries of warr,^ it was by many thought 
an adventure almost desperate, a case intolerable, and a 
misserie worse then death. Espetially seeing they were not 
aqiialTlted with trads'Tior traffique, (by which that coimtrie 
doth subsiste,) but had only been used to a plaine countrie 
hfe, and the inocente trade of husbandrey. But these things 
did not dismay them (thoiigh they did some times trouble 
them) for their desires were sett on the ways of God, and to 
injoye his -ordinances; but they rested on his providence, and 
knew whom they had belecved. Yet this was not all, for 
though they could not stay, yet were they not suffered to goe, 
but the ports and havens were shut against them,^ so as 

'See the Introduction. 

"The war of Dutch independence, begun in 1567, continued till interrupted 
by the truce of April, 1609. " I. e., handicrafts. 

*The ports were not closed especially against the Pilgrims, but, under a 
royal proclamation, emigrants to Virginia, their presumed destination, were for- 
bidden to embark without a royal license. 


they were faine to seeke secrete means of conveance, and 
to bribe and fee the mariners, and give exterordinarie rates 
for their passages. And yet were they often times betrayed 
(many of them), and both they and their goods intercepted 
and surprised, and therby put to great trouble and charge, 
of which I will give an instance or tow, and omitte the 

Ther was a large companie of them purposed to get pas- 
sage at Boston in Lincoln-shire, and for that end had hired 
a shipe wholy to them selves, and made agreement with 
the maister to be ready at a certaine day, and take them and 
their goods in, at a conveniente place, wher they accordingly 
would all attende in readines. So after long waiting, and 
large expences, though he kepte not day with them, yet he 
came at length and tooke them in, in the night. But when 
he had them and their goods abord, he betrayed them, haveing 
before hand complotted with the serchers and other officers 
so to doe; who tooke them, and put them into open boats, 
and ther rifled and ransaked them, searching them to their 
shirts for money, yea even the women furder then became 
modestie; and then caried them back into the towne, and 
made them a spectackle and wonder to the multitude, which 
came flocking on all sids to behould them. Being thus first, 
by the chatch-poule' officers, rifled, and stripte of their 
money, books, and much other goods, they were presented to 
the magestrates, and messengers sente to informe the lords 
of the Counsell of them; and so they were commited to 
ward. Indeed the magestrats used them courteously, and 
shewed them what favour they could; but could not dehver 
them, till order came from the Counsell-table. But the 
issue was that after a months imprisonmente, the greatest 
parte were dismiste, and sent to the places from whence they 
came; but 7. of the principall ^ were still kept in prison, and 
bound over to the Assises. 

' Catchpole. " William Brewster was one of them. 


The nexte spring after, ther was another attempte made 
by some of these and others, to get over at an other place. 
And it so fell out, that they hght of a Dutchman at Hull, 
having a ship of his owne belonging to Zealand; they made 
agreemente with him, and acquainted him with their condi- 
tion, hoping to find more faithfullnes in him, then in the 
former of their owne nation. He bad them not fear, for he 
would doe well enough. He was by appointment to take 
them in betweene Grimsbe and Hull, wher was a large commone 
a good way distante from any towne. Now aganst the prefixed 
time, the women and children, with the goods, were sent to 
the place in a small barke, which they had hired for that end ; 
and the men were to meete them by land. But it so fell out, 
that they were ther a day before the shipe came, and the sea 
being rough, and the women very sicke, prevailed with the 
seamen to put into a creeke hardby, wher they lay on ground 
at lowwater. The nexte morning the shipe came, but they 
were fast, and could not stir till aboute noone.- In the mean 
time, the shipe maister, perceiving how the matter was, sente 
his boate to be 'getting the men abord whom he saw ready, 
walking aboute the shore. But after the first boat full was 
gott abord, and she was ready to goe for more, the m''^ 
espied a greate company, both horse and foote, with bills, 
and gunes, and other weapons; for the countrie was raised to 
take them. The Dutch-man seeing that, swore his countries 
oath, "sacremente," and having the wind faire, waiged his 
Ancor, hoysed sayles, and away. But the poore men which 
were gott abord,^ were in great distress for their wives and 
children, which they saw thus to be taken, and were left 
destitute of their helps; and them selves also, not having a 
cloath to shifte them with, more then they had on their 
baks, and some scarce a peney aboute them, all they had 
bemg abord the barke. It drew tears from their eyes, 
and any thing they had they would have given to have 
> Master, ' William Bradford was one of those on board the vessel. 


been a shore againe; but all in vaine, ther was no rem- 
edy, they must thus sadly part. And afterward endured 
a fearfull storme at sea, being 14. days or more before they 
arived at their porte, in 7. wherof they neither saw jon, 
moone, nor stars, and were driven near the coast of Norway; 
the mariners them selves often despairing of hfe; and once 
with shriks and cries gave over all, as if the ship had been 
foundred in the sea, and they sinking without recoverie. 
But when mans hope and helpe wholy failed, the Lords power 
and mercie appeared in ther recoverie; for the ship rose againe, 
and gave the mariners courage againe to manage her. And 
if modestie woud suffer me, I might declare with what fervente 
prajres they cried unto the Lord in this great distres, (espetialy 
some of them,) even without any great distraction, when the 
water rane into their mouthes and ears; and the mariners 
cried out. We sinke, we sinke ; they cried (if not with mirake- 
lous, yet with a great hight or degree of devine faith). Yet 
Lord thou canst save, yet Lord thou canst save; with shuch 
other expressions as I will forbeare. Upon which the ship 
did not only recover, but shortly after the violence of the 
storme begane to abate, and the Lord filed their afflicted minds 
with shuch comforts as every one cannot understand, and in 
the end brought them to their desired Haven, wher the people 
came flockeing admiring their deliverance, the storme hav- 
ing ben so longe and sore, in which much hurt had been 
don, as the masters freinds related imto him in their congrat- 

But to returne to the others wher we left. The rest of 
the men that were in greatest danger, made shift to escape 
away before the troope could surprise them; those only stay- 
ing that best might, to be assistante unto the women. But 
pitiful! it was to see the heavie case of these poore women 
in this distress; what weeping and crying on every side, some 
for their husbands, that were caried away in the ship as is 
before related; others not knowing what should become of 


them, and their Utle ones; others againe melted in teares, 
seeing their poore Utle ones hanging aboute them, crying for 
feare, and quaking with could. Being thus aprehended, they 
were hurried from one place to another, and from one justice 
to another, till in the ende they knew not what to doe with 
them; for to imprison so many women and innocent children 
for no other cause (many of them) but that they must goe 
with their husbands, semed to be imreasonable and all would 
crie out of them ; and to send them home againe was as difficult, 
for they aledged, as the trueth was, they had no homes to 
goe to, for they had either sould, or otherwise disposed of their 
houses and livings. To be shorte, after they had been thus 
turmolyed a good while, and conveyed from one constable to 
another, they were glad to be ridd of them in the end upon 
any termes; for all were wearied and tired with them. 
Though in the mean time they (poore soules) indured miserie 
enough; and thus in the end necessitie forste a way for 

But that I be not tediou s i n these things , I will omitte 
the rest, though 1 might relate many otEeTnotable passages 
and troubles which they endured and imderwente in these 
their wanderings and tra veils both at land and sea; but I 
hast to other things. Yet I may not omitte the fruite that 
came hearby, for by these so publick troubls, in so many 
eminente places, their cause became famouss, and occasioned 
many to looke into the same; and then- godly cariage and 
Christian behaviour was such as left a deep impression in 
the minds of many. And though some few shrimk at these 
first conflicts and sharp beginings, (as it was no marvell,) 
yet many more came on with fresh courage, and greatly ani- 
mated others. And in the end, notwithstanding all these 
stormes of oppossition, they all gatt over at length, some at 
one time and some at an other, and some in one place and 
some in an other, and mette togeather againe according to 
their desires, with no small rejoycing. 


The 3. Chapter 

Of their selling in Holand, and their maner of living, and enter- 

tainmente ther. 

Being now come into the Low Countries, they saw many 
goodly and fortified cities, strongly walled and garded with 
troopes of armed men. Also they heard a strange and vin- 
couth language, and beheld the differente manners and cus- 
tomes of the people, with their strange fashons and attires; 
all so farre differing from that of their plaine countrie villages 
(wherin they were bred, and had so longe Uved) as it seemed 
they were come into a new world. But these were not the 
things they much looked on, or long tooke up their thoughts; 
for they had other work in hand, and an other kind of wan- 
to wage and maintaine. For though they saw faire and 
bewtifull cities, flowing with abundance of all sorts of welth 
and riches, yet it was not longe before they saw the grimme 
and grisly face of povertie coming upon them like an armed 
man, with whom they must bukle and incoimter, and from 
whom they could not flye; but they were armed with faith 
and patience against him, and all his encounters ; and though 
they were sometimes foyled, yet by Gods assistance they 
prevailed and got the victorie. 

Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and other prin- 
cipall members were come over, (for they were of the last, 
and stayed to help the weakest over before them,) such things 
were thought on as were necessarie for their setling and best 
ordering of the church affairs. And when they had hved 
at Amsterdam aboute a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor, 
and some others of best discerning, seeing how Mr. John 
Smith and his companie was allready fallen in to contention 
with the church that was ther before them,' and no means 

'A Separatist church, of which Francis Johnson was pastor and Heniy 
Ainsworth teacher, was already in Amsterdam when John Smith with his congre- 
gation arrived, and it was the contention between Smith and Johnson to which 


they could use would doe any good to cure the same, and also 
that the flames of contention were Uke to breake out in that 
anciente church it selfe (as affterwards lamentably came 
to pass) ; which things they prudently foreseeing, thought it 
was best to remove, before they were any way engaged with 
the same; though they well knew it would be much to the 
prejudice of their outward estats, both at presente and in 
hcklyhood in the future; as indeed it proved to be. 

Their remoovall to Leyden. 

For these and some other reasons they removed to Ley- 
den, a fair and bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation, but 
made more famous by the universitie wherwith it is adorned, 
in which of late had been so many learned men. But wanting 
that traffike by sea which Amsterdam injoyes, it was not so 
beneficiall for their outward means of living and estats. But 
being now hear pitchet they fell to such trads and implojmaents 
as they best could;' valewing peace and their spirituall com- 
forte above any other riches whatsoever. And at lenght they 
came to raise a competente and comforteable hving, but with 
hard and continuall labor. 

Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they continued 
many years in a comfortable condition, injoying much sweete 

Bradford refers. Francis Johnson, originally preacher to the Merchants of the 
Staple in Middelburg, became in 1592 a Separatist, and minister of a Separatist 
congregation in London. He and its other leaders emigrated in 1597 to Amster- 
dam, and there, after many ecclesiastical disputes and vicissitudes, he died in 1618. 

'William Brewster at first taught English to the students in the university 
of Leyden, and afterwards engaged in publishing books proscribed in England, 
among which were Commentarii in Proverbia Salomonis (1617), by Thomas 
Cartwright with a preface by Polyander, Grevinchovius on the Arminian contro- 
versy (1617), A Confutation of the Rhemists' Translation of the New Testament 
(1618) by Thomas Cartwright, a treatise in Latin De Vera et Genuina Jesu 
Christi Religione (1618), and other works. Those books published by him in 
1617 have his imprint, but in consequence of efforts to suppress his work his 
imprint was omitted in books printed at a later date. 

William Bradford became a fustian-maker, Robert Cushman and William 
White wool-carders, Samuel Fuller and Stephen Tracy silk-makers, John Jenney 
a brewer, Edward Winslow a printer, and Degory Priest a hatter. 


and delightefuU societie and spirituall comforte togeather in 
the wayes of God, under the able ministrie, and prudente 
govemmente of Mr. John Robinson, and Mr. William Brewster, 
who was an assistante imto him in the place of an Elder, unto 
which he was now called and chosen by the church. So as 
they grew in knowledge and other gifts and graces of the 
spirite of God, and hved togeather in peace, and love, and 
holines; and many came unto them from diverse parts of 
England, so as they grew a great congregation. And if at 
any time any differences arose, or offences broak out (as it 
cannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst the best 
of men) they were ever so mete with, and nipt in the head 
betims, or otherwise so well composed, as still love, peace, 
and communion was continued; or els the church purged of 
those that were incurable and incorrigible, when, after much 
patience used, no other means would serve, which seldom 
came to pass. Yea such was the mutuall love, and reciprocall 
respecte that this worthy man had to his flocke, and his flocke 
to him, that it might be said of them as it once was of that 
famouse Emperour Marcus AureUous,^ and the people of 
Rome, that it was hard to judge wheather he delighted more 
in haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing such a pastor. 
His love was greate towards them, and his care was all ways 
bente for their best good, both for soule and body; for besids 
his singuler abilities in devine things (wherin he excelled), he 
was also very able to give directions in civill affaires, and to 
foresee dangers and inconveniences; by which means he was 
very helpfull to their outward estats, and so was every way 
as a commone father unto them. And none did more offend 
him then those that were close and cleaving to them selves, 
and retired from the commone good; as also such as would 
be stiffe and riged in matters of outward order, and invey 

'"Goulden booke, etc." (Note by Bradford.) The book to which he 
refers, known in its English translations as "The Golden Book of the Emperor 
Marcus Aurehus," was in reahty a, Spanish romance, written by Antonio de 
Guevara, bishop of Mondonedo, and published in 1629. 


against the evills of others, and yet be remisse in them selves, 
and not so careful! to express a vertuous conversation. They 
in like maner had ever a reverente regard unto him, and had 
him in precious estimation, as his worth and wisdom did 
deserve; and though they esteemed him highly whilst he 
hved and laboured amongst them, yet much more after his 
death,^ when they came to feele the wante of his help, and 
saw (by woefuU experience) what a treasure they had lost, 
to the greef e of their harts, and wounding of their sowls ; yea 
such a loss as they saw could not be repaired; for it was as 
hard for them to find such another leader and feeder in all 
respects, as for the Taborits to find another Ziska.^ And 
though they did not call themselves orphans, as the other did, 
after his death, yet they had cause as much to lamente, in 
another regard, their present condition, and after usage. 
But to retume ; I know not but it may be spoken to the honour 
of God, and without prejudice to any, that such was the true 
pietie, the humble zeale, and fervent love, of this people 
(whilst they thus Uved together) towards God and his waies, 
and the single hartednes and sinceir affection one towards 
another, that they came as near the primative patterne of 
the first churches, as any other church of these later times 
have done, according to their ranke and qualitie. 

But seeing it is not my purpose to treat of the severall 
passages that befell this people whilst they thus lived in the 
Low Countries, (which might worthily require a large treatise 
of it selfe,) but to make way to shew the begining of this 
plantation, which is that I aime at; yet because some of their 
adversaries did, upon the rumore of their removall, cast out 
slanders against them, as if that state had been wearie of them, 
and had rather driven them out (as the heathen historians 
did faine of Moyses and the Isralits when they went out of 

» John Robinson died in Leyden, March 1, 1624/5. 

2 John Ziska was the invincible leader of the Taborites or Hussites of 
Bohemia, in the fifteenth century. 


Egipte), then that it was their owne free choyse and motion, 
I will therfore mention a perticuler or too to shew the contrary, 
and the good acceptation they had in the place wher they 
lived. And first though many of them weer poore, yet ther 
was none so poore, but if they were known to be of that con- 
gregation, the Dutch (either bakers or others) wodd trust 
them in any reasonable matter when they wanted money. 
Because they had found by experience how carfull they were 
to keep their word, and saw them so painfull and dilhgente 
in their callings; yea, they would strive to gett their custome, 
and to imploy them above others, in their worke, for theu- 
honestie and diligence. 

Againe; the magistrats of the citie, aboute the time of their 
coming away, or a Utle before, in the publick place of justice, 
gave this comendable testemoney of them, in the reproofe of 
the Wallons,^ who were of the French church in that citie. 
These Enghsh, said they, have lived amongst us now this 12. 
years, and yet we never had any sute or accusation came against 
any of them; but your strifs and quarels are continuall, etc. 
In these times allso were the great troubls raised by the Ar- 
minians,^ who, as they greatly moUested the whole state, so 
this citie in particuler, in which was the cheefe universitie; so 
as ther were dayly and bote disputs in the schooles ther aboute; 
and as the studients and other lerned were devided in their op- 
pinions hearin, so were the 2. proffessors or devinitie readers 
them selves ; the one daly teaching for it, the other against it. 
Which grew to that pass, that few of the discipls of the one 

' The Walloons inhabited the Belgic border of France and spoke French. 
Owing to persecution many of them who were Protestants moved into Holland. 
Esther, the wife of Francis Cooke, was a Walloon, and so it is supposed was 
William Mullens or Mollines, who came in the Mayflower, while Philip Delano 
or De La Noye, who came in the Fortune in 1621, was "born of French parents." 

^ Jacobus Arminius, professor of theology in the University of Leyden from 
1603 to his death in 1609, had taught a doctrine of grace opposed to the strictest 
Calvinism. His successor, Simon Episeopius, and on the other side the other 
divinity professor, Johannes Polyander, maintained the controversy with warmth. 
Robinson's views were Calvinistic. 


would hear the other teach. But Mr. Robinson, though he 
taught thrise a weeke him selfe, and write sundrie books,"- be- 
sids his manyfould pains otherwise, yet he went constantly to 
hear ther readings, and heard the one as well as th& other;. by 
which means he was so well grounded in the controversie, and 
saw the force of all their arguments, and knew the shifts of the 
adversarie, and being him selfe very able, none was fitter to 
buckle with them then him selfe, as appered by sundrie disputs; 
so as he begane to be terrible to the Arminians; which made 
Episcopius (the Arminian professor) to put forth his best 
stringth, and set forth sundrie Theses, which by publick dis- 
pute he would defend against all men. Now Poliander the 
other proffessor, and the cheefe preachers of the citie, desired 
Mr. Robinson to dispute against him; but he was loath, being 
a stranger; yet the other did importune him, and tould him 
that such was the abilitie and nimblnes of the adversarie, that 
the truth would suffer if he did not help them. So as he con- 
descended, and prepared him selfe against the time; and when 
the day came, the Lord did so help him to defend the truth and 
foyle this adversarie, as he put him to an apparent nonplus, in 
this great and publike audience. And the hke he did a 2. or 3. 
time, upon such like occasions. The which as it caused many 
to praise God that the trueth had so famous victory, so it pro- 
cured him much honour and respecte from those lemed men 
and others which loved the trueth. Yea, so farr were they 
from being weary of him and his people, or desiring theu- ab- 
sence, as it was said by some, of no mean note, that not 
for giveing offence to the state of England, they would have 
preferd him otherwise if he would, and alowd them some pub- 

' Robinson lived near the university. The following works written by him 
were published at the appended dates: A Justification of Separation from the 
Church of England (1610); Apologia BrowniMarum (1619); Defence of the 
Doctrine propounded by the Synode at Dort (1624); Essayes, or Observations 
Divine and Morall (1625). Bradford's copy of the first named is still extant. 
A copy of the first edition of the last named, which is very rare, has been recently 
bought by the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth. Robinson's works in three volumes 
were reprinted in 1851. 


like favour. Yea when ther was speech of their remoovall into 
these parts, sundrie of note and eminencie of that nation would 
have had them come under them, and for that end made them 
large offers. Now though I might aledg many other perticulers 
and examples of the like kinde, to shew the untruth and un- 
Ucklyhode of this slander, yet these shall suffice, seeing it was 
beleeved of few, being only raised by the mahce of some, who 
laboured their disgrace. 

The 4. Chap. 

Showing the reasons and causes of their remoovall. 

After they had hved in this citie about some 11. or 12. 
years, (which is the more observable being the whole time of 
that famose truce ^ between that state and the Spaniards,) 
and sundrie of them were taken away by death, and many 
others begane to be well striken in years, the grave mistris 
Experience haveing taught them many things, those prudent 
governours with sundrie of the sagest members begane both 
deeply to apprehend their present dangers^ and wisely to fore- 
see the future, and thinke of timly remedy. In the agitation 
of their thoughts, and much discours of things hear aboute, at 
length they began to incline to this conclusion, of remoovall 
to some other place. Not out of any newfanglednes, or other 
such like giddie humor, by which men are oftentimes trans- 
ported to their great hurt and danger, but for sundrie weightie 
and sohd reasons; some of the cheefe of which I will hear 
briefly touch. And first, they saw and foimd by experience 
the hardnes of the place and countrie to be such, as few in 
comparison would come to them, and fewer that would bide 
it out, and continew with them. For many that came to them, 
and many more that desired to be with them, could not endure 
that great labor and hard fare, with other inconveniences which 
they underwent and were contented with. But though they 

'This truce, signed April 9, 1609, was to expire in 1621. 


loved their persons, approved their cause, and honoured their 
sufferings, yet they left them as it weer weeping, as Orpah did 
her mother in law Naomie, or as those Romans did Cato in 
Utica, who desired to be excused and borne with, though they 
could not all be Catoes. For many, though they desired to 
injoye the ordinances of God in their puritie, and the hbertie 
of the gospell with them, yet, alass, they admitted of bondage, 
with danger of conscience, rather than to indure these hard- 
ships; yea, some preferred and chose the prisons in England, 
rather then this hbertie in Holland, with these afflictions. But 
it was thought that if a better and easier place of Uving could 
be had, it would draw many, and take away these discourag- 
ments. Yea, their pastor would often say, that many of those 
who both wrote and preached now against them, if they were 
in a place wher they might have libertie and live comfortably, 
they would then practise as they did. 

2'y- They saw that though the people generally bore all 
these difficulties very cherfuUy, and with a resolute courage, 
being in the best and strength of their years, yet old age began 
to steale o n ma ny -of them, (and their great and continuall 
labours, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before the 
time,) so as it was not only probably thought, but apparently 
seen, that within a few years more they would be in danger to 
scatter, by necessities pressing them, or sinke imder their 
burdens, or both. And therfore according to the devine 
proverb, that a wise man seeth the plague when it cometh, 
and hideth him selfe. Pro. 22. 3., so they like skillfull and 
beaten* souldiers were fearfull either to be intrapped or sur- 
rounded by their enimies, so as they should neither be able to 
"fight nor flie; and therfor thought it better to dislodge be- 
times to some place of better advantage and less danger, if 
any such could be foimd. Thirdly; as necessitie was a task- 
master over them, so they were forced to be such, not only to 
their :^ervants, but in a sorte, to their dearest children; the 

'7. e., hardened, experienced. 


which as it did not a litle wound the tender harts of many a 
loving father and mother, so it produced^Jikwise snndrie sad 
and sorowful effects. For many of their"|hildren, that were 
of best dispositions and gracious inclinations, haveing lemde 
to bear the yoake in their youth, and willing to bear parte of 
their parents burden, were, often times, so oppressed with 
their heyie labours, that though their minds were free mST 
wiHing, yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, 
and became decreped in their early youth; the vigor of nature 
being consumed in the very budd as it were. But that which 
was more lamentable, and of all sorowes most heavie to be 
borne, was that many of their children, by these occasions, 
and the great hcentiousness of youth in that countrie, and the 
manifold temptations of the place, were drawneaway by ev ill 
examples into extra vagante and dangerous courses, getting the 
Taihes off their neks, and departing from their parents. Some 
became souldiers, others tooke upon them farr viages by sea, 
and other some worse courses, tending to dissolutnes and the 
danger of their soules, to the great greefe of their parents and 
dishonour of God. So that they saw their posteritie would 
be in danger to degenerate and be corrupted. 

Lastly, (and which was not least), a greaj^hope and in- 
ward zeall they had of laying some good foundation, or at 
least to make some way therunto, for the propagating and^ 
advancing the gospell of the kingdom of Christ m those re- 
mote parts of the world; yea, though they should be but even 
as stepping-stones unto others for the performing of so great 
a work. 

These, and some other like reasons, moved them to imder- 
take this resolution of their removall; the which they after- 
ward prosecuted with so great difficulties, as by the sequel! 
will appeare. 

The place they had thoughts on was some of those vast 
and unpeopled countries of America, which are frutfull and 
fitt for habitation, being devoyd of all civill inhabitants, wher 


ther are only salvage and brutish men, which range up and 
downe, litle otherwise then the wild beasts of the same. This 
proposition bemg made publike and coming to the scaning of 
all, it raised many variable opinions amongst men, and caused 
many fears and doubts amongst them selves. Some, from 
their reasons and hops conceived, laboured to stirr up and in- 
courage the rest to undertake and prosecute the same; others, 
againe, out of their fears, objected against it, and sought to 
diverte from it, aledging many things, and those neither un- 
reasonable nor improbable; as that it was a great designe, 
and subjecte to many unconceivable perills and dangers; as, 
besids the casulties of the seas (which none can be freed from) 
the length of the vioage was such, as the weake bodys of 
women and other persons wome out with age and traville (as 
many of them were) could never be able to endure. And yet 
if they should, the miseries of the land which they should be 
exposed unto, would be to hard to be borne; and lickly, some 
or all of them togeither, to consume and utterly to ruinate 
them. 'For ther they should be hable to famine, and naked- 
nes, and the wante, in a maner, of all things. The chang of 
aire, diate, and drinking of water, would infecte their bodies 
-^ with sore sickneses, and greevous diseases. And also those 
which should escape or overcome these difficulties, should yett 
be in continuall danger of the salvage people, who are cruell, 
barbarous, and most trecherous, being most furious in their 
rage, and merciles wher they overcome; not being contente 
only to kill, and take away Ufe, but dehght to tormente men 
in the most bloodie manner that may be; fleaing' some alive 
with the shells of fishes, cutting of the members and jojoits of 
others by peesmeale, and broiling on the coles, eate the collops 
of their flesh in their sight whilst they live; with other cruel- 
ties horrible to be related. And surely it could not be thought 
but the very hearing of these things could not but move the 
very bowels of men to grate within them, and make the weake 



to quake and tremble. It was furder objected, that it would 
require greater summes of money to furnish such a voiage, and 
to fitt them with necessaries, then their consumed estats would 
amounte too; and yett they must as well looke to be seconded 
with supphes,' as presently to be transported. Also many 
presidents of ill success, and lamentable misseries befalne others 
in the like designes, were easie to be foimd, and not forgotten to 
bealedgedjbesids their owne experience, in their former troubles 
and hardships in their removall into Holand, and how hard a 
thing it was for them to live in that strange place, though it 
was a neighbour countrie, and a civill and rich comone wealth. 
It was answered, that all great and honourable actions 
are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both 
enterprised and overcome with answerable courages. It was 
granted the dangers were great, but not desperate; the diffi- 
culties were many, but not invincible. For though their were 
many of them likly, yet they were not cartaine; it might be 
sundrie of the things feared might never befale; others by 
providente care and the use of good means, might in a great 
measure be prevented; and all of them, through the help of 
God, by fortitude and patience, might either be borne, or 
overcome. True it was, that such atempts were not to be 
made and undertaken without good ground and reason; not 
rashly or hghtly as many have done for curiositie or hope of 
gaine, etc. But their condition was not ordinarie; their 
ends were good and honourable; their calling lawfuU, and ur- 
gente; and therfore they might expecte the blessing of God 
in their proceding. Yea, though they should loose their Hves 
in this action, yet might they have comforte in the same, and 
their endeavors would be honourable. They hved hear but 
as men in exile, and in a poore condition; and as great miseries 
might possibly befale them in this place, for the 12. years of 
truce were now ^ out, and ther was nothing but beating of 

'/. e., reinforcements. 

* The truce between the Dutch and Spain would end in April, 1621. 


drumes, and preparing for warr, the events wherof are allway 
uncertaine. The Spaniard might prove as cruell as the salvages 
of America, and the famine and pestelence as sore hear as ther, 
and then- hbertie less to looke out for remedie. After many 
other perticuler things answered and aledged on both sids, 
it was fully concluded by the major parte, to put this designe 
in execution, and to prosecute it by the best means they 

The 5. Chap. 

Shewing what means they used for preparation to this waightie 


And first after thir htimble praiers tmto God for his direction 
and assistance, and a generall conferrence held hear aboute, 
they consulted what perticuler place to pitch upon, and prepare 
for. Some (and none of the meanest) had thoughts and were 
emest for Guiana, or some of those fertill places in those hott 
cUmats; others were for some parts of Virginia, wher the 
EngUsh had all ready made enterance, and begining. Those 
for Guiana aledged that the cuntrie was rich, frutfull, and 
blessed with a perpetuaU spring, and a florishing greenes;* 
where vigorous nature brought forth all things in abundance 
and plentie without any great labour or art of man. So as 
it must needs make the inhabitants rich, seing less provisions 
of clothing and other things would serve, then in more coulder 
and less frutfull coimtries must be had. As also that the Span- 
iards (having much more then they could possess) had not 
yet planted there, nor any where very near the same.^ But 
to this it was answered, that out of question the countrie was 
both frutfull and pleasante, and might yeeld riches and main- 

' Greenness. 

" Though the contrary view was sometimes maintained at the time of the 
Venezuela-Guiana boundary controversy, it was shown in the report of the 
American commission (vol. I., pp. 37-56) that up to 1648, at least, Spain had no 
settlements on that coast, south of the Orinoco. Several English attempts to 
eettle in the region had been recently made. 


tenance to the possessors, more easily then the other; yet, 
other things considered, it would not be so fitt for them. And 
first, that such hott countries are subject to greevuos diseases, 
and many noysome impediments, which other more temperate 
places are freer from, and would not so well agree with our 
EngUsh bodys. Againe, if they should ther hve, and doe well, 
the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them long, but would 
displante or overthrow them, as he did the French in Florida,' 
who were seated furder from his richest countries; and the 
sooner because they should have none to protect them, and 
their owne strength would be too smale to resiste so potent an 
enemie, and so neare a neighbor. 

On the other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if 
they lived among the English which wear ther planted, or so 
near them as to be under their goverment, they should be in 
as great danger to be troubled and persecuted for the cause of 
reUgion, as if they lived in England, and it might be worse. 
And if they Uved too farr of, they should neither have succour, 
nor defence from them. 

But at length the conclusion was, to live as a distincte 
body by them selves, under the generall Goverment of Virginia; 
and by their freinds to sue to his majestie that he would be 
pleased to grant them freedome of Religion; and that this 
might be obtained, they wear putt in good hope by some 
great persons, of good ranke and quaUtie, that were made their 
freinds. Whereupon 2. were chosen and sent in to England 
(at the charge of the rest) to solUcite this matter, who found 
the Virginia Company^ very desirous to have them goe thither, 
and wilMng to grante them a patent, with as ample priviliges 
as they had, or could grant to any, and to give them the best 
furderance they could. And some of the cheefe of that com- 

' The reference is to the destruction of the Huguenots at Port Royal by 
Menendez in 1565. 

" On April 10, 1606, King James I. instituted two Virginia companies, of 
which the southern, or London Company, was authorized to make settlements 
on that part of the Atlantic coast extending from the 34th to the 41st degree of 


pany douted not to obtaine their suite of the king for hberty in 
ReUgion, and to have it confirmed under the kings broad 
seale, according to their desires. But it prooved a harder peece 
of worke then they tooke it for; for though many means were 
used to bring it aboute, yet it could not be effected; for ther 
were diverse of good worth laboured with the king to obtaine it, 
(amongst whom was one of his cheefe secretaries,)* and some 
other wrought with the archbishop^ to give way therunto; 
but it proved all in vaine. Yet thus farr they prevailed, in 
soimding his majesties mind, that he would connive at them, 
and not molest them, provided they carried them selves peaca- 
bly. But to allow or tolerate them by his pubUck authoritie, 
under his seale, they fovind it would not be. And this was all 
the cheefe of the Virginia companie or any other of their best 
freinds could doe in the case. Yet they perswaded them to 
goe on, for they presumed they should not be troubled. And 
with this answer the messengers returned, and signified what 
diligence had bene used, and to what issue things were come. 
But this made a dampe in the busines, and caused some 
distraction, for many were afraid that if they should unsetle 
them selves, and put of their estates, and goe upon these hopes, 
it might prove dangerous, and but a sandie foundation. Yea, 
it was thought they might better have presiuned hear upon 
without makeing any suite at all, then,' haveing made it, to 
be thus rejected. But some of the cheefest thought other 
wise, and that they might well proceede hereupon, and that 
the kings majestie was willing enough to suffer them without 
molestation, though for other reasons he would not confirme 
it by any publick acte. And furdermore, if ther was no 

north latitude, the northern company on that part between the 38th and the 45th. 
The first patent or grant issued to the Pilgrims came from the southern company, 
commonly now called the Virginia Company, but this was not used and another, 
issued by the Council for New England, successor of the northern company, 
was brought over in the Fortune in November, 1621. 

• " Sr Robert Nanton." (Bradford.) 

'George Abbot, archbishop of Canterbury 1611-1633. 

'"Then" for "than." 


securitie in this promise intimated, ther would be no great 
certainty in a furder confirmation of the same; for if after 
wards ther should be a purpose or desire to wrong them, 
though they had a seale as broad as the house flore, it would 
not serve the turne; for ther would be means enew found to 
recall or reverse it. Seeing therfore the course was probable, 
they must rest herein on Gods providence, as they had done 
in other things. 

Upon this resolution, other messengers were dispatched, 
to end with the Virginia Company asiwell as they could. And 
to procure a patent with as good and kmple conditions as they 
might by any good means obtaineii As also to treate and 
conclude with such merchants and otner freinds as had mani- 
fested their forwardnes to provoke too and adventure in this 
vioage. For which end they had instructions given them 
upon what conditions they should proceed with them, or els to 
conclude nothing without further advice. And here it will be 
requisite to inserte a letter or too that may give hght to these 

A coppie of leter from Sr: Edwin Sands, directed to Mr. John Robinson 
and Mr. William Brewster. 

After my hartie salutations. The agents of your congregation, 
Robert Cushman* and John Carver,^ have been in communication with 

' Robert Cushman was born in England about 1580, but precisely when he 
joined the Leyden church is not known. He was an active and efficient agent 
of the church at various times in England and assented to a contract with the 
merchant adventurers which was so unsatisfactory to the Pilgrim company that 
they sailed without signing it. He came out in the Fortune in 1621, and delivered 
in Plymouth an address commonly called a sermon, urging the colonists to close 
the contract. After successfully accomplishing his mission he returned in the 
Fortune, and died in England in 1625. He brought with him to Plymouth his son 
Thomas, fourteen years of age, who was educated by Governor Bradford and 
succeeded Brewster as the elder of the Plymouth church. Soon after his return 
to England Robert Cushman published (1622) his "sermon," accompanied by a 
vindication of the colonial enterprise and an appeal for a Christiap. mission to the 
American Indians. 

' Little is known of John Carver except that he was a deacon of the Leyden 
church and one of the agents of the church to obtain if possible a charter from the 
king, and to negotiate with the Virginia Company for a grant of lands, and with 


diverse selecte gentlemen of his Majesties Counsell for Virginia; and by 
the writing of 7. Articles subscribed with your names/ have given them 
that good degree of satisfaction, which hath caried them on with a resolu- 
tion to sett forward your desire in the best sorte that may be, for your 
owne and the publick good. Divers perticulers wherof we leave to their 
faithfull reporte; having carried them selves heere with that good discre- 
tion, as is both to their owne and their credite from whence they came.^ 
And wheras being to treate for a multitude of people, they have requested 
further time to conferr with them that are to be interessed in this action, 
aboute the severall particularities which in the prosecution thereof will 
fall out considerable, it hath been very willingly assented too. And so 
they doe now returne unto you. If therfore it may please God so to 
directe your desires as that on your parts ther fall out no just impediments, 
I trust by the same direction it shall likewise appear, that on our parte, all 
forwardnes to set you forward shall be found in the best sorte which with 
reason may be expected. And. so I betake you with this designe (which I 
hope verily is the worke of God), to the gracious protection and blessing 
of the Highest. 

London, Novbr: 12. Your very loving freind 

An": 1617. Edwin Sandys.' 

the merchant adventurers of London for transportation and supplies for the 
colony. The language of the letter dated July 27, 1620, which Robinson wrote 
to Carver, while the Mayflower lay at Southampton (p. 83, -post) makes the 
conjecture plausible that Katherine, the wife of Carver, may have been Robinson's 
sister. Carver was made governor of the Mayflower company and, after the 
compact was signed in the cabin of that ship after her arrival at Cape Cod harbor, 
he was confirmed in that office. He was one of the eighteen who landed on Ply- 
mouth Rock December 11, O. S., and on April 1, 1621, he negotiated a treaty with 
Massasoit. He died, probably of apoplexy, early in April. 

' The manuscript of the Seven Articles, signed by Robinson and Brewster, is 
in the Public Record Office in London. The articles, expressing the assent of 
the Leyden church to the Thirty-nine Articles of 1562, their desire to keep 
spiritual communion with the members of the Church of England, and their 
acknowledgment of the royal supremacy and of the authority of the bishops, may 
be found printed in the History of Plymouth by William T. Davis, p. 13, and 
in Goodwin's Pilgrim Republic, p. 41. 

' I. e., for their own credit and that of those from whom they came. 

' Sir Edwin Sandys was the son of Edwin Sandys, archbishop of York, and 
was bom in Worcester in 1561 and died in 1629. He was a brother of Sir Samuel 
Sandys under whom William Brewster occupied Scrooby manor. Sir Edwin 
Sandys wrote in 1599 a book entitled A Relation of the State of Religion; and 
with what Hopes and Polieies it hath beene framed and is maintained in the 
severall States of these western parts of the World. It was printed in London 
in 1605, and forthwith ordered by the High Commission to be burned. It is 


Their answer was as joloweih. 


Our humble duties remembred, in our owne, our messengers, and 
our churches name, with all thankfull acknowledgmente of your singular 
love, expressing itselfe, as otherwise, so more spetially in your great care 
and earnest endeavor of our good in this weigk^tie bussines aboute Virginia, 
which the less able we are to requite, we shall thinke our selves the more 
bound to commend in our prayers unto God f6r recompence; whom, as 
for the presente you rightly behould in our indeavors, so shall we not be 
wanting on our parts (the same God assisting us) to returne all answerable 
fruite, and respecte unto the labour of your love bestowed upon us. We 
have with the best speed and consideration withall that we could, sett 
downe our requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, with the hands 
of the greatest parte of our congregation, and have sente the same unto 
the Counsell by our agente, and a deacon of our church, John Carver, unto 
whom we have also requested a gentleman of our company to adyone^ 
him selfe; to the care and discretion of which two, we doe referr the prose- 
cuting of the bussines. Now we perswade our selves Right Wor^P' that 
we need not provoke your godly and loving minde to any further or more 
tender care of us, since you have pleased so f arr to interest us in your selfe, 
that, under God, above all persons and things in the world, we relye upon 
you, expecting the care of your love, counsell of your wisdome, and the 
help and countenance of your authority. Notwithstanding, for your 
encouragmente in the worke, so farr as probabilities may leade, we will 
not forbeare to mention these instances of indusmente. 

1. We veryly beleeve and trust the Lord is with us, unto whom and 
whose service we have given our selves in many trialls ; and that he will 
graciously prosper our indeavours according to the simplicitie of our 
harts therin. 

2*''. We are well weaned from the delicate milke of our mother 
countrie, and enured to the difficulties of a strange and hard land, which 
yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome. 

3'^. The people are for the body of them, industrious, and frugall, 
we thinke we may safly say, as any company of people in the world. 

4'^. We are knite togeather as a body in a most stricte and sacred 

therefore rare. A copy is owned by the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth, which 
contains on its title-page two autographs of Rev. John Robinson. Sir Edwin 
Sandys had now become an eminent statesman and member of Parliament, of the 
"country party." From the time of his election as treasurer of the Virginia 
Company in April, 1619, he bore a leading part in its affairs. 
' Worshipful. » Adjoin. 


bond and covenante of the Lord, of the violation * wherof we make 
great conscience, and by vertue wherof we doe hould our selves straitly 
tied to all care of each others good, and of the whole by every one and so 

5. Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small things 
can discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish them selves at 
home againe. We knowe our entertainmente in England, and in Holand; 
we shall much prejudice both our arts and means by removall; who, if 
we should be driven to returne, we should not hope to recover our present 
helps and comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our selves, to attaine 
unto the like in any other place during our lives, which are now drawing 
towards their periods. 

These motives we have been bould to tender unto you, which you in 
your wisdome may also imparte to any other our wor^P: freinds of the 
Counsell with you; of all whose godly dispossition and loving towards our 
despised persons, we are most glad, and shall not faile by all good means 
to continue and increase the same. We will not be further troublesome, 
but doe, with the renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your 
WorPP; and (so farr as in modestie we may be bould) to any other of our 
weUwiUers of the Counsell with you, we take our leaves, commiting your 
persons and counsels to the guidance and direction of the Almighty. 

Yours much bounden in all duty, 

Leyden, Desem: 15. John Robinson, 

An°: 1617. William Beewster. 

For fvirther light in these proceedings see some other 
letters and notes as foUoweth. 

'"O sacred bond, whilst invioUably preserved I how sweete and precious 
were the fruits that flowed from the same, but when this fidelity decayed, then 
their mine approached. O that these anciente members had not dyed, or been 
dissipated, (if it had been the will of God) or els that this holy care and constants 
faithfullnes had still lived, and remained with those that survived, and were in 
times afterwards added unto them. But (alass) that subtill serpente hath slylie 
wound in himselfe under faire pretences of necessitie and the like, to imtwiste 
these sacred bonds and tyes, and as it were insensibly by degrees to dissolve, or 
in a great measiu:e to weaken, the same. I have been happy, in my first times, 
to see, and with much comforte to injoye, the blessed fruits of this sweete com- 
munion, but it is now a parte of my miserie in old age, to find and feele the decay 
and wante therof (in a great measure), and with greefe and sorrow of hart to 
lamente and bewaile the same. And for others warning and admonnition, and 
my owne humiliation, doe I hear note the same." (These reflections of Brad- 
ford were penned at a later period, on a reverse page of his History, at this 


The coppy of a letter sent to Sr. John Worssenham} 

Right WorP": with due acknowledgmente of our thankfullnse for 
your singular care and pains in the bussines of Virginia, for our, and, we 
hope, the commone good, we doe remember our humble dutys unto you, 
and have sent inclosed, as is required, a further explanation of our judg- 
ments in the 3. points specified by some of his majesties Hon*"' Privie 
Counsell;^ and though it be greevious unto us that such unjust insinuations 
are made against us, yet we are most glad of the occasion of making our 
just purgation unto so honourable personages. The declarations we have 
sent inclosed, the one more breefe and generall, which we thinke the 
fitter to be presented; the other something more large, and in which we 
express some smale aecidentall differances, which if it seeme good unto 
you and other of our wor^' freinds, you may send in stead of the former. 
Our prayers unto God is, that your WorPP may see the frute of your 
worthy endeaours, which on our parts we shall not faile to furder by 
all good means in us. And so praing that you would please with the con- 
venientest speed that may be, to give us knowledge of the success of the 
bussines with his majesties Privie Counsell, and accordingly what your 
further pleasure is, either for our direction or furtherance in the same, 

®° ^^ ^^^ Your WorPP in all duty, 

Leyden, Jan: 27. John Robinson, 

An°: 1617. old stile.^ William Brewstek. 

The first breefe note was this. 

Touching the Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for teaching, 
elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the churches contribution, 
as allso for the too Sacrements, baptisme, and the Lords supper, we doe 
wholy and in all points agree with the French reformed churches, accord- 
ing to their publick confession of faith.^ 

The oath of Supremacie we shall willingly take if it be required of us, 

and that conveniente satisfaction be not given by our taking the oath of 

Alleagence. ^ ^ 

John Rob: 

William Brewster. 

' Sir John Wolstenholme was one of the richest merchants in London, and a 
prominent member of the Virginia Company. 

^ The three points referred to are explained on the following page. 

= Englishmen at that time began the year on March 25; so the date was 1618, 
according to the new style. 

*The Confessio Gailicana, adopted by a French Reformed (or Huguenot) 
synod in 1559. 


Ths 2. was this. 

Touching the Ecclesiasticall ministrie, etc. as in the former, we 
agree in all things with the French reformed churches, according to their 
publick confession of faith; though some small differences be to be found 
in our practises, not at all in the substance of the things, but only in some 
accidentall circumstances. 

1. As first, their ministers doe pray with their heads covered; ours 

2. We chose none for Governing Elders but such as are able to teach; 
which abilitie they doe not require. 

3. Their elders and deacons are annuall, or at most for 2. or 3. 
years; ours perpetuall. 

4. Our elders doe administer their ofiice in admonitions and ex- 
communications for publick scandals, publickly and before the congrega- 
tion; theirs more privately, and in their consistories. 

5. We doe administer baptisme only to such infants as wherof the 
one parente, at the least, is of some church, which some of ther churches 
doe not observe; though in it our practice accords with their publick con- 
fession and the judgmente of the most larned amongst them. 

Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none in these points. 
Then aboute the oath, as in the former. 

Subscribed, John R. 

W. B. 

Part of another letter from him that delivered these. 

London. Feb: 14. 
Your letter to Sr. John Worstenholme I delivered albnost as soone 
as I had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him the opening and reading. 
Ther were 2. papers inclosed, he read them to him selfe, as also the letter, 
and in the reading he spake to me and said, Who shall make them? viz. 
the ministers; I answered his Wor^P that the power of making was in the 
church, to be ordained by the unposition of hands, by the fittest instru- 
ments they had. It must either be in the church or from the pope, and 
the pope is Antichrist. Ho! said Sr. John, what the pope houlds good, 
(as in the Trinitie,) that we doe well to assente too; but, said he, we will 
not enter into dispute now. And as for your letters he would not show 
them at any hand, least he should spoyle all. He expected you should 
have been of the archbp minde for the calling of ministers, but it seems you 
'According to the new style the date was 1618. 


differed. I could have wished to have known the contents of your tow 
inclosed, at which he stuck so much, espetially the larger. I asked his 
WorP what good news he had for me to write to morrow. He tould me 
very good news, for both the kings majestie and the bishops have con- 
sented. He said he would goe to Mr. Chancelor, Sr. Fulk Grivell,' 
as this day, and nexte weeke I should know more. I mett Sr. Edw. 
Sands on Wedensday night; he wished me to be at the Virginia Courte' 
the nexte Wedensday, wher I purpose to be. Thus loath to be troubl- 
some at present, I hope to have somewhate nexte week of certentie 
concerning you. I committee you to the Lord. Yours, 

S. B.' 

These things being long in agitation, and messengers 
passing too and againe aboute them, after all their hopes they 
were long delayed by many rubs that fell in the way; for at 
the retume of these messengers into England they found things 
farr otherwise then they expected. For the Vkginia Counsell 
was now so disturbed with factions and quarrels amongst them 
selves, as no bussines could well goe forward. The which may 
the betteragg ear in one ofj themessengers letters astoBbweth. 

To his loving freinds, etc. 
I had thought long since to have write unto you, but could not effecte 
that which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as I wished; yet, not- 
withstanding, I doubt not but Mr. B.* hath writen to Mr. Robinson. 
But I thinke my selfe bound also to doe something, least I be thought to 
neglecte you. The maine hinderance of our proseedings in the Virginia 
bussines, is the dissentions and factions, as they terme it, amongs the 
Counsell and Company of Virginia; which are such, as that ever since 
we came up no busines could by them be dispatched. The occasion of 

'Sir Fulke Greville (Lord Brooke) was born in Warwickshire in 1554 and 
studied at Cambridge. He was knighted in 1597, was a member of Parliament 
and in 1615 was made imder-treasurer and chancellor of the exchequer. In 1621 
he became Baron Brooke and died in London in 1628. He wrote a £i/e of Sir 
Philip Sidney, his intimate friend, poems, two tragedies and other works. 

^By Virginia court is meant the regular meeting of the Virginia Company, 
occurring on February 18, 1617/8. 

'S. B. were probably fictitious initials standing for Sabin Staresmore. Prince 
has a note upon this: "In Govt. Bradford's Collection of Letters, this letter is 
more large, and subscribed Sabine Staresmore." One of that name was a member 
of a Separatist body in London, and afterward of Robinson's congregation in 
Leyden. ' Brewster. 


this trouble amongst them is, for that a while since Sr. Thomas Smith, 
repining at his many offices and troubls, wished the Company of Virginia 
to ease him of his office in being Treasurer and Gover'. of the Virginia 
Company.^ Whereupon the Company tooke occasion to dismisse him, 
and chose Sr. Edwin Sands Treasurer and Gover^ of the Company. 
He having 60. voyces, Sr. John Worstenholme 16. voices, and Alderman 
Johnsone 24. But Sr. Thomas Smith, when he saw some parte of his 
honour lost, was very angrie, and raised a faction to cavill and contend 
aboute the election, and sought to taxe Sr. Edwin with many things that 
might both disgrace him, and allso put him by his office of Governour. 
In which contentions they yet stick, and are not fit nor readie to intermedle 
m any bussines; and what issue things will come to we are not yet cer- 
taine. It is most like Sr. Edwin will carrie it away, and if he doe, things 
will goe well in Virginia; if otherwise, they will goe ill enough allways. 
We hope in some 2. or 3. Court days things will setle. Mean space I 
thinke to goe downe into Kente, and come up againe aboute 14. days, or 
3. weeks hence; except either by these afforesaid contentions, or by the 
ille tidings from Virginia, we be wholy discouraged, of which tidings I 
am now to speake. 

Captaine Argoll is come home this weeke (he upon notice of the intente 
of the Counsell, came away before Sr. Georg Yeardley^ came ther, and 
so ther is no small dissention). But his tidings are ill, though his person 
be Wellcome. He saith Mr. Blackwells^ shipe came not ther till March, 
but going towards winter, they had still norwest winds, which carried 
them to the southward beyond their course. And the M'' of the ship 
and some 6. of the mariners dicing, it seemed they could not find the bay, 
till after long seeking and beating aboute. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and 
Mr. Maggner, the Captain; yea, ther are dead, he saith, 130. persons, one 
and other in that ship; it is said ther was in all an 180. persons in the ship, 
so as they were packed togeather like herings. They had amongst them 
the fluxe, and allso wante of fresh water; so as it is hear rather wondred 

• Sir Thomas Smith's request may be seen, in the records of the Virginia 
Company for the transactions of this very meeting, in the fac-simile presented in 
Early Narratives of Virginia, p. 334, in this series. Smith had had the leading 
part in the Virginia Company from its beginning. 

' Samuel Argall was the abductor of Pocahontas, the destroyer of Port Royal 
in 1613, and deputy governor of Virginia from 1617 to 1619. Sir George Yeardley, 
governor of Vbginia 1619-1621 and 1626-1627. 

' Francis Blackwell, one of the adherents of Rev. Francis Johnson in the 
"ancient church" at Amsterdam, seceded from him in 1618, became reconciled 
with the Anglican establishment, and sailed for Virginia with his followers, in 
September, 1618, in the William and Thomas. 


at that so many are alive, then that so many are dead. The marchants 
hear say it was Mr. Blackwells faulte to pack so many in the ship; yea, 
and ther were great mutterings and repinings amongst them, and upbraid- 
ing of Mr. Blackwell, for his dealing and dispossing of them, when they 
saw how he had dispossed of them, and how he insulted over them. Yea, 
the streets at Gravsend' runge of their extreame quarrelings, crying out 
one of another, Thou hast brought me to this, and, I may thanke the for 
this. Heavie newes it is, and I would be glad to heare how farr it will 
discourage. I see none hear discouraged much, but rather desire to lame 
to beware by other mens harmes, and to amend that wherin they have 
failed. As we desire to serve one another in love, so take heed of being 
inthraled by any imperious persone, espetially if they be discerned to 
have an eye to them selves. It doth often trouble me to thinke that 
in this bussines we are all to learne and none to teach ; but better so, 
then to depend upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. Such a strate- 
geme he once made for Mr. Johnson and his people at Emden,^ which was 
their subversion. But though he ther clenlUy (yet unhonstly) plucked 
his neck out of the collar, yet at last his foote is caught. Hear are no 
letters come, the ship captain Argole came in is yet in the west parts; 
all that we hear is but his report; it seemeth he came away secretly. 
The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will be hear shortly. It is as 
Mr. Robinson once said; he thought we should hear no good of them. 
Mr. B. is not well at this time; whether he will come back to you or 
goe into the north, I yet know not. For my selfe, I hope to see an end of 
this bussines ere I come, though I am sorie to be thus from you; if things 
had gone roundly forward, I should have been with you within these 14. 
days. I pray God directe us, and give us that spirite which is fitting for 
such a bussines. Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr. 
Brewster (I thinke) hath more largely write of to Mr. Robinson, I leave 
you to the Lords protection. 

Yours in all readines, etc. London, May 8. 


A word or tow by way of digression touching this Mr. 
Blackwell; he was an elder of the church at Amsterdam, a 

' Gravesend, at the mouth of the Thames, from which ships from London 
commonly "took their departure." 

" Contention arose in the elder of the Separatist churches at Amsterdam, 
between the partisans of Rev. Francis Johnson and those of Rev. HeniyAins- 
worth. The burgomasters of the city awarded the meeting-house to the latter. 
The former then (1613) removed to Emden in East Friesland, and remained there 
three or four years. 


man well known of most of them. He declined from the trueth 
with Mr. Johnson' and the rest, and went with him when they 
parted assunder in that wofuU maner, which brought so great 
dishonour to God, scandall to the trueth, and outward ruine 
to them selves in this world. But I hope, notwithstanding, 
through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now at rest 
with him in the heavens, and that they are arrived in the 
Haven of hapines; though some of their bodies were thus 
buried in the terrable seas, and others sunke under the burthen 
of bitter afflictions. He with some others had prepared for 
to goe to Virginia. And he, with sundrie godly citizens, being 
at a private meeting (I take it a fast) in London, being dis- 
covered, many of them were apprehended, wherof Mr. Black- 
well was one; but he so glosed with the bps,' and either dis- 
sembled or flatly denyed the trueth which formerly he had 
maintained; and not only so, but very unworthily betrayed 
and accused another godly man who had escaped, that so 
he might shp his own neck out of the collar, and to obtaine 
his owne freedome brought others into bonds. Wherupon 
he so wone the bps favour (but lost the Lord's) as he was not 
only dismiste, but in open courte the archbishop gave him 
great applause and his soUemne blessing to proseed in his 
vioage. But if such events follow the bps blessing, happie are 
they that misse the same; it is much better to keepe a good 
conscience and have the Lords blessing, whether in hfe or death. 
But see how the man thus apprehended by Mr. Blackwells 
means, writs to a freind of his. 

Right dear freind and christian brother, Mr. Carver, I salute you and 
yours in the Lord, etc. As for my owne presente condition, I doubt not 
but you well understand it ere this by our brother Maistersone,^ who should 
have tasted of the same cupp, had his place of residence and his person 

' Bishops. 

''Richard Masterson was from Sandwich, England, and was a member ot 
the Leyden church. He married in Leyden in 1619 Mary Goodale of Leicester 
and came to Plymouth in 1629, where he died in 1633. He was a deacon of the 
Plymouth church. 


been as well knowne as my selfe. Some what I have written to Mr. 
Cushman how the matter still continues. I have petitioned twise to Mr. 
Sherives, and once to my Lord Cooke/ and have used such reasons to 
move them to pittie, that if they were not overruled by some others, I 
suppose I should soone gaine my libertie; as that I was a yonge man 
living by my credite, indebted to diverse in our citie, living at more then 
ordinarie charges in a close and tedious prison; besids great rents abroad, 
all my bussines lying still, my only servante lying lame in the countrie, my 
wife being also great with child. And yet no answer till the lords of his 
majesties Counsell gave consente. Howbeit, Mr. Blackwell, a man as 
deepe in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate, with a great deale 
less adoe; yea, with an addition of the Archp: blessing. I am sorie for 
Mr. Blackwels weaknes, I wish it may prove no worse. But yet he and 
some others of them, before their going, were not sorie, but thought it was 
for the best that I was nominated,^ not because the Lord sanctifies evill 
to good, but that the action was good, yea for the best. One reason I 
well remember he used was, because this trouble would encrease the 
Virginia plantation, in that now people begane to be more generally in- 
clined to goe; and if he had not nomminated some such as I, he had not 
bene free, being it was knowne that diverse citizens besids them selves 
were ther. I expecte an answer shortly what they intende conscerning 
me; I purpose to write to some others of you, by whom you shall know the 
certaintie. Thus not haveing further at present to acquaint you withall, 
commending myselfe to your prairs, I cease, and committe you and us all 
to the Lord. 

From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter.' 

Your freind, and brother in bonds, 

Sept^ 4. An°: 1618. ^^^^^ Staeesmoee. 

But thus much by the way, which may be of instruction 
and good use. 

But at last, after all these things, and their long attendance, 
they had a patent granted them, and confirmed imder the 
Companies seale;'' but these devissions and distractions had 

'To the sheriflEs of London and Middlesex, and to Sir Edward Coke, till 
lately lord chief justice. 'I. e., informed against. 

'Wood Street Compter (counter) was a prison in London. 

*The records of the Virginia Company for May 26 and June 9, 1619, show 
"one Mr. Wencop, commended to the Company by the [late] Earle of Lincolne," 
presenting his patent for confirmation on the former date; on the latter it was 
ordered to be sealed. 


shaken of many of ther pretended freinds, and disappointed 
them of much of their hoped for and proffered means. By 
the advise of some freinds this pattente was not taken in the 
name of any of their owne, but in the name of Mr. John 
Wrticob (a reUgious gentleman then belonging to the Countess 
of Lincohne), who intended to goe vnth. them. But God so 
disposed as he never went, nor they ever made use of this 
patente/ which had cost them so much labour and charge, 
as by the sequell will appeare. This patente being sente over 
for them to veiw and consider, as also the passages aboute the 
propossitions between them and such marchants and freinds as 
should either goe or adventure with them, and espetially with 
those' on whom they did cheefiy depend for shipping and 
means, whose proffers had been large, they were requested to 
fitt and prepare them selves with all speed. A right e mbljing, 

i^maybe, onhgjanfigrtJne-thiiigaijilW^^ 

have toyld them selves for them, they vanish into smoke. 

The 6. Chap. 

Consceming the agreements and artickles between them, and 
such marchants and others as adventured moneys; with 
other things falling out aboute making their provissions. 

Upon the receite of these things by one of their messengers, 
they had a soUemne meeting and a day of humiUiation to 
seekethe Lord for his direction; and their pastor tooke this 
texte, 1 Sam. 23. 3, 4. And David's men said unto him, see, 
we be afraid hear in Judah, how much more if we come to Keilah 
against the host of the Phillistinesf Then David asked counsell 
of the Lard againe, etc. From which texte he taught many 
things very aptly, and befittmg ther present occasion and 
condition, strengthing them against their fears and perplexities, 
and incouraging them in the resolutions. After which they 
concluded both what nvunber and what persons should prepare 

* It was undoubtedly surrendered afterward. 
»" Mr, Tho; Weston, etc." (Br.) 


them selves to goe with the first; for all that were wilhng to 
have gone could not gett ready for their other affairs in so 
shorte a time; neither if all could have been ready, had ther 
been means to have transported them alltogeather. Those that 
staled being the greater number required the pastor to stay 
with them; and indeede for other reasons he could not then 
well goe, and so it was the more easilie yeelded unto. The 
other then desired the elder, Mr. Brewster, to goe with them, 
which was also condescended unto. It was also agreed on by 
mutuall consente and covenante, that those that went should 
be an absolute church of them selves, as well as those that 
staid; seing in such a dangrous vioage, and a removall to such 
a distance, it might come to pass they should (for the body of 
them) never meete againe in this world ; yet with this proviso, 
that as any of the rest came over to them, or of the other re- 
turned upon occasion, they shoiild be reputed as members 
without any further dismission or testimoniall. It was allso 
promised to those that wente first, by the body of the rest, 
that if the Lord gave them life, and means, and opportxmitie, 
they would come to them as soone as they could. 

Aboute this time, whilst they were perplexed with the pro- 
seedings of the Virginia Company, and the ill news from thence 
aboute Mr. Blackwell and his company, and making inquirey 
about the hiring and buying of shiping for their vioage, some 
Dutchmen made them faire offers aboute goeing with them.' 
Also one Mr. Thomas Weston,^ a merchant of London, came 
to Ley den aboute the same time, (who "was well aquainted with 

'This seems to dispose of the statement of Morton in New England's 
Memorial that Captain Jones of the Mayflower was bribed by the Dutch to keep 
away from New Netherland. 

2 Thomas Weston, whose first deahngs with the Pilgrims are here recounted, 
is referred to by Cushman as one of the " adventurers," but he probably left them 
before 1622. He sent several vessels to New England and came himself with a 
colony which afterwards settled at Wessagusset (Weymouth). He was charged 
with fraudulent transactions by Robert Gorges, who for a time was governor- 
general of New England, but saved from punishment by the intercession of 
Governor Bradford. He died in Bristol, England, not far from 1640. 


some of them, and a furtherer of them in their former pro- 
seedings,) haveing much conferance with Mr. Robinson and 
other of the cheefe of them, perswaded them to goe on (as it 
seems) and not to medle with the Dutch, or too much to depend 
on the Virginia Company; for if that failed, if they came to res- 
olution, he and such marchants as were his friends (togeather 
with their owne means) would sett them forth; and they 
should make ready, and neither f eare •wante of shipping nor 
money; for what they wanted should be provided. And, not 
so much for him selfe as for the satisfing of such frends as he 
should procure to adventure in this bussines, they were to 
draw such articls of agreemente, and make such propossitions, 
as might the better induce his freinds to venture. Upon which 
(after the formere conclusion) articles were drawne and agreed 
unto, and were showne unto him, and approved by him; and 
afterwards by their messenger (Mr. John Carver) sent into 
England, who, togeather with Robart Cushman, were to receive 
the moneys and make provissione both for shiping and other 
things for the vioage; with this charge, not to exseede their 
commission, but to proseed according to the former articles. 
Also some were chossen to doe the like for such things as were 
to be prepared there; so those that weare to goe, prepared 
them selves with all speed, and sould of their estats and (such 
as were able) put in their moneys into the commone stock, 
which was disposed by those appointed, for the making of 
generall provissions. Aboute this time also they had heard, 
both by Mr. Weston and others, that sundrie Hon''': Lords 
had obtained a large grante from the king, for the more north- 
erly parts of that countrie, derived out of the Virginia patente, 
and wholy secluded from their Govermente, and to be called by 
another name, viz. New-England.' Unto which Mr. Weston, and 

' The reference is, of course, to the famous patent of November 3, 1620, by 
which forty noblemen and gentlemen were constituted the Council for New 
England, with jurisdiction over the territory from 40° to 48° north latitude. 
Though it did not pass the great seal till November, the warrant for its preparation 
was issued in July. 


the cheefe of them, begane to indine it was best for them to goe, 
as for other reasons, so cheefiy for the hope of present profits 
to be made by the fishing that was found in that countrie. 

But as in all bussineses the acting parte is most difficulte, 
espetially wher the worke of many agents must concurr, so 
it was found in this; for some of those that should have gone 
in England, fell of and would not goe; other marchants and 
freinds that had offered to adventure their moneys withdrew, 
and pretended many excuses. Some disliking they wente not 
to Guiana; others againe would adventure nothing excepte 
they wente to Virginia. Some againe (and those that were 
most reUed on) fell in utter dislike with Virginia, and would 
doe nothing if they wente thither. In the midds of these 
distractions, they of Leyden, who had put of their estats, and 
laid out their moneys, were brought into a greate streight, 
fearing what issue these things would come too ; but at length 
the generaUtie- was swaid to this latter opinion. 

But now another difficultie arose, for Mr. Weston and some 
other that were for this coiirse, either for their better advantage 
or rather for the drawing on of others, as they pretended, 
would have some of those conditions altered that were first 
agreed on at Leyden. To which the 2. agents sent from Leyden 
(or at least one of them who is most charged with it) did con- 
sente ; seeing els that all was like to be dashte, and the oppor- 
tunitie lost, and that they which had put of their estats and 
paid in their moneys were in hazard to be imdon. They pre- 
sumed to conclude with the marchants on those termes, in 
some things contrary to their order and commission, and with- 
out giving them notice of the same; yea, it was conceled least 
it should make any furder delay; which was the cause after- 
ward of much trouble and contention. 

It will be meete I here inserte these conditions, which are 
as foloweth. 

An°: 1620. July 1. 

1. The adventurers and planters doe agree, that every person that 


goeth being aged 16. years and upward, be rated at lOli., and ten pounds 
to be accounted a single share. 

2. That he that goeth in person, and fumisheth him selfe out with 
lOli. either in money or other provissions, be accounted as haveing 20li. 
in stock, and in the devission shall receive a double share. 

3. The persons transported and the adventurers shall continue their 
joynt stock and partnership togeather, the space of 7. years, (excepte 
some unexpected impedimente doe cause the whole company to agree 
otherwise,) during which time, all profits and benifits that are gott by 
trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any 
person or persons, remaine still in the commone stock untill the division. 

4. That at their comming ther, they chose out such a number of 
fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon the sea; 
implojdng the rest in their severall faculties upon the land; as building 
houses, tilling, and planting the ground, and makeing shuch commodities 
as shall be most usefuU for the coUonie. 

5. That at the end of the 7. years, the capitall and profits, viz. the 
houses, lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided betwixte the ad- 
venturers, and planters ; which done, every man shall be free from other 
of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure. 

6. Whosoever cometh to the colonic herafter, or putteth any into the 
stock, shall at the ende of the 7. years be alowed proportionably to the 
time of his so doing. 

7. He that shall carie his wife and children, or servants, shall be 
alowed for everie person now aged 16. years and upward, a single share 
in the devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or if 
they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed for 
a person, both in transportation and devision. 

8. That such children as now goe, and are under the age of ten years, 
have noe other shar in the devision, but 50. acers of unmanured land. 

9. That such persons as die before the 7. years be expired, their 
executors to have their parte or sharr at the devision, proportionably 
to the time of their life in the coUonie. 

10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their 
meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of the common stock and 
goods of the said collonie. 

The cheefe and principall differences betwene these and 
the former conditions, stood in those 2. points; that the 
houses, and lands improved, espetialy gardens and home 
lotts should remaine imdevided wholy to the planters at the 


7. years end. 2^^, that they should have had 2. days in a 
weeke for their owne private imploymente, for the more 
comforte of them selves and their famiUes, espetialy such as 
had families. ,But_because letters j.re_bx_.SQm £. wise m en^ 
-counted-the best^rteoThrstories, I- shall shew their greevances 
hereaboute by their owne letters, in which the passages of 
things will be more truly discerned. 

A letter of Mr. Robinsons to John Carver. 

June 14. 1620. N. Stile.' 
My dear freind and brother, whom with yours I alwaise remember in 
my best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease to commend to 
God by my best and most earnest praires. You doe throwly understand 
by our generall letters the estate of things hear, which indeed is very ' 
pitiful!; espetialy by wante of shiping, and not seeing means lickly, much 
less certaine, of having it provided; though withall ther be great want of 
money and means to doe needfull things. Mr. Pickering,^ you know 
before this, will not defray a peny hear; though Robart Cushman pre- 
sumed of I know not how many lOOli. from him, and I know not whom. 
Yet it seems strange that we should be put to him to receive both his and 
his partners adventer, and yet Mr. Weston write unto him, that in regard 
of it, he hath drawne upon him a lOOli. more. But ther is in this some 
misterie, as indeed it seems ther is in the whole course. Besids, wheras 
diverse are to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, they refuse 
to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course taken for it. Neither 
doe I thinke is ther a man hear would pay any thing, if he had againe his 
money in his purse. You know right well we depended on Mr. Weston 
alone, and upon such means as he would procure for this commone 
bussines; and when we had in hand another course with the Dutchmen, 
broke it of at his motion, and upon the conditions by him shortly after 
propounded. He did this in his love I know, but things appeare not 
answerable from him hitherto. That he should have first have put in his 
moneys, is thought by many to have been but fitt, but that I can well 
excuse, he being a marchante and haveing use of it to his benefite; wheras 
others, if it had been in their hands, would have consumed it. But that 
he should not but have had either shipping ready before this time, or at 
' On the back of the preceding page of manuscript Prince wrote these words: 
" June 14 N. S. is June 4 O. S. which is Lords Day and therefore here is doubtless 
a mistake." 

' Edward Pickering was one of the merchant adventurers. 


least certaine means, and course, and the same knowne to- us for it, or 
have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my conscience be excused. 
I have heard that when he hath been moved in the bussines, he hath put 
it of from him selfe, and referred it to the others; and would come to 
Georg Morton,' and enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce 
been some accessarie unto it. Wether he hath failed of some helps from 
others which he expected, and so be not well able to goe through with 
things, or whether he hath feared least you should be ready too soone and 
so encrease the charge of shiping above that is meete, or whether he have 
thought by withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking that therby Mr. 
Brewer ^ and Mr. Pickering would be drawne by importunitieto doe more, 
or what other nlisterie is in it, we know not; but sure we are that things 
are not answerable to such an occasion. Mr. Weston maks himselfe 
mery with our endeavors about buying a ship, but we have done nothing 
in this but with good reason, as I am perswaded, nor yet that I know in 
any thing els, save in those tow; the one, that we imployed Robart Cush- 
man, who is known (though a good man, and of spetiall abilities in his kind 
yet) most unfitt to deale for other men, by reason of his singularitie, and 
too great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to speak truly) that we 
have had nothing from him but termes and presumptions. The other, 
that we have so much relyed, by implicite faith as it were, upon general- 
ities, without seeing the perticuler course and means for so waghtie an 
affaire set down unto us. For shiping, Mr. Weston, it should seeme, is 
set upon hireing, which yet I wish he may presently effecte; but I see litle 
hope of help from hence if so it be. Of Mr. Brewer you know what to 
expecte. I doe not thinke Mr. Pickering will ingage, excepte in the course 
of buying, in former letters specified. Aboute the conditions, you have 
our reasons for our judgments of what is agreed. And let this spetially 
be borne in minde, that the greatest parte of the Collonie is lilce to be 

* George Morton had been a merchant in the city of York and probably went 
to Holland with the Pilgrim Church. He married in Leyden in 1612 a sister of 
the second wife of Governor Bradford. "Mourt's Relation," written chiefly by 
Bradford and Winslow, was published under his direction in 1622, prefaced by 
him with an address to the reader signed "G. Mourt." He came over in the 
Anne in 1623 with his wife and four children and died in 1624. His son Nathaniel, 
bom in Leyden in 1613, was secretary of the Plymouth Colony and author of 
New England's Memorial, published in 1669. 

' Thomas Brewer was a landed proprietor of Kent and one of the merchant 
adventurers. He was a Separatist, a neighbor of Elder Brewster in Leyden, 
and a sustaining partner in his printing business, which was carried on in Brewer's 
garret. For the history of King James's persecution of him see Arber, Story of 
the Pilgrim Fathers, pp. 195-247. He was imprisoned in England from 1626 
to 1640, and died in the latter year. 


imployed constantly, not upon dressing ther perticuler land and building 
houses, but upon fishing, trading, etc. So as the land and house will be 
but a trifell for advantage to the adventurers, and yet the devission of it 
a great discouragmente to the planters, who would with singuler care make 
it comfortable with borowed houres from their sleep. The same con- 
sideration of commone imploymente constantly by the most is a good 
reason not to have the 2. dales in a weeke denyed the few planters for 
private use, which yet is subordinate to commone good. Consider also 
how much unfite that you and your liks must serve a new prentishipe of 
7. years, and not a daies freedome from taske. Send me word what per- 
sons are to goe, who of usefull faculties, and how many, and perticulerly 
of every thing. I know you wante not a minde. I am sorie you have not 
been at London all this while, but the provLssions could not wante you. 
Time will suffer me to write no more; fare you and yours well allways in 
the Lord, in whom I rest. 

Yours to use, 

John Robinson. 

An other letter from sundrie of them at the same time. 

To their loving f reinds John Carver and Robart Cushman, these, etc. 

Good bretheren, after salutations, etc. We received diverse letters at 
the coming of Mr. Nash ' and our pilott, which is a great incouragmente 
unto us, and for whom we hop after times will minister occasion of prais- 
ing God; and indeed had you not sente him, many would have been 
ready to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of the new conditions 
which have bene taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly 
in regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many waightie 
bussineses you ref err to us here. For the former wherof, wheras Robart 
Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, promising therupon to alter the 
same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to 
exercise them therin, ref ering him to our pastors former reasons, and them 
to the censure of the godly wise. But our desires are that you will not 
entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable courses as those 
are, viz. that the marchants should have the halfe of mens houses and 
lands at the dividente; and that persons should be deprived of the 2. days 
in a weeke agreed upon, yea every momente of time for their owne per- 
ticuler; by reason wherof we cannot conceive why any should carie 
servants for their own help and comfort; for that we can require no more 
of them then all men one of another. This we have only by relation from 

' Thomas Nash was one of the Leyden church but nothing more is known 
pf him. 


Mr. Nash, and not from any writing of your owne, and therfore hope you 
have not proceeded farr in so great a thing without us. But requiring 
you not to exseed the bounds of your commission, which was to proceed 
upon the things or conditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at 
your going over about it), we leave it, not without marveling, that your 
selfe, as you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our consultations, 
and how few, as you fear, understands the busnes aright, should trouble 
us with such matters as these are, etc. 

Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived; 
we pray you make known our estate unto him, and if you thinke good 
shew him our letters, at least tell him that (under God) we much relie 
upon him and put our confidence in him; and, as your selves well know, 
that if he had not been an adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand; 
presuming that if he had not scene means to accomplish it, he would not 
have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr help us as 
our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him. Since ther- 
fore, good brethren, we have plainly opened the state of things with us in 
this matter, you will, etc. Thus beseeching the Allmightie, who is all- 
sufficiente to raise us out of this depth of dificulties, to assiste us herein; 
raising such means by his providence and fatherly care for us, his pore 
children and servants, as we may with comforte behould the hand of our 
God for good towards us in this our bussines, which we undertake in his 
name and fear, we take leave and remaine 

Your perplexed, yet hopfull 

June 10. New Stille, bretheren, 

An°: 1620. S. F. E. W. W. B. J. A.' 

A tetter of Robart Cushmans to them. 

Brethern, I understand by letters and passagess that have come to 
me, that ther are great discontents, and dislike of my proceedings amongst 
you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not doubting but 
that partly by writing, and more principally by word when we shall come 
togeather, I shall satisfie any reasonable man. I have been perswaded 
by some, espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but 
as things now stand I cannot be absente one day, excepte I should hazard 
all the viage. Neither conceive I any great good would come of it. Take 
then, brethern, this as a step to give you contente. First, for your dislike 
of the alteration of one clause in the conditions, if you conceive it right, 

'"In Gov. Bradford's Collection of Letters, these subscribers are thus 
wrote out at length: Samuel Fot^ler, William Bradford, Isaac Allerton, 
Ed. Winslow." (Note by Rev. Thomas Prince.) 


ther can be no blame lye on me at all. For the articles first brought over 
by John Carver vi^ere never scene of any of the adventurers hear, excepte 
Mr. Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that clause; 
nor Mr. Weston him selfe, after he had well considered it. But as at 
the first ther was 500/i. withdrawne by Sr. Georg Farrer and his brother 
upon that dislike, so all the rest would have vnthdrawne (Mr. Weston ex- 
cepted) if we had not altered that clause. Now whilst we at Leyden con- 
clude upon points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was 
not my f alte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter the equitie -of that condi- 
tion, and our inconveniences, which might be sett against all Mr. Rob: ' 
inconveniences, that without the alteration of that clause, we could 
neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to subsiste when 
we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not 
mine, but other mens wiser then my selfe, without answer to any one of 
them, here cometh over many quirimonies,^ and complaints against me, 
of lording it over my brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves 
and bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I did what 
I list. And at last a paper of reasons, framed against that clause in the 
conditions, which as they were delivered me open, so my answer is open 
to you all. And first, as they are no other but inconveniences, such as a 
man might frame 20. as great on the other side, and yet prove nor disprove 
nothing by them, so they misse and mistake both the very ground of the 
article and nature of the project. For, first, it is said, that if ther had 
been no divission of houses and lands, it had been better for the poors. 
True, and that showeth the inequalitie of the condition; we should more 
respecte him that ventureth both his money and his person, then him that 
ventureth but his person only. 

. 2. Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnishing 
a store house; no one shall be porer then another for 7. years, and if any 
be rich, none can be pore. At the least, we must not in such bussines 
crie, Fore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it[s] life in wraks, not in 
venturs; you are by this most in a hopefuU pitie of makeing, therfore 
complaine not before you have need. 

3. This will hinder the building of good and faire houses, contrarie 
to the advise of pollitiks.' A. So we would have it; our purpose is to 
build for the presente such houses as, if nfeed be, we may with litle greefe 
set a fire, and rune away by the lighte; our riches shall not be in pompe, 
but in strenght; if God send us riches, we will imploye them to provid 
more men, ships, munition, etc. You may see it amongst the best poUi- 

' Robinson's. ' Querimonies, fault-findings. 

' Writers upon political theory. 


tiks, that a commonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine 
houses and gay cloaths come up. 

4. The Gove* * may prevente excess in building. A. But if it be 
on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, the Gove*^ 
laboure is spared. 

5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean 
wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, quaUties, then I 
say he that is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house, 
fare, means, etc. as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2'''. Such retired 
persons, as have an eie only to them selves, are fitter to come wher catch- 
ing is, then closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie, 
either civill or religious. 

6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5li. A. True, it may be not 
worth halfe 5li. If then so smale a thing will content them, why strive 
we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to suspecte us to be worldly 
and covetous ? I will not say what I have heard since these complaints 
came first over. 

7. Our freinds with us that adventure mind not their owne profite, 
as did the old adventurers. A. Then they are better then we, who for a 
litle matter of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more apparente 
brethern looke too it, that make profite your maine end; repente of this, 
els goe not least you be like Jonas to Tarshis. 2'^. Though some of them 
mind not their profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well as 
we ? venturs are made by all sorts of men, and we must labour to give 
them all contente, if we can. 

8. It will break the course of communitie, as may be showed by 
many reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will best foster 
comunion, as may be* showed by many reasons. 

9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, etc. A. As 
it is better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besids our living still 
upon it, and if such profite in that way come, our labour shall be the less 
on the land, and our houses and lands must and will be of less value. 

10. Our hazard is greater then theirs. A. True, but doe they put 
us upon it ? doe they urge or egg us ? hath not the motion and resolution 
been always in our selves ? doe they any more then in seeing us resolute 
if we had means, help us to means upon equall termes and conditions ? 
If we will not goe, they are content to keep their moneys. Thus I have 
pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will consider 
seriously, and let me have no more stirre about them. 

' Government. 


Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but 
surly this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If you 
mean it of the 2. days in a week for perticuler, as some insinuate, you are 
deceived; you may have 3. days in a week for me if you will. And when 
I have spoken to the adventurers of times of working, they have said they 
hope we are men of discretion and conscience, and so fitte to be trusted our 
selves with that. But indeed the ground of our proceedings at Leyden 
was mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering every day, etc. 

As for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would as soone have 
gone to Rome as with us; for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and 
their riggour as bad to us as the Spanish Inquision. If any practise of 
mine discourage them, let them yet draw back; I will undertake they 
shall have their money againe presently paid hear. Or if the company 
thinke me to be the Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe; I shall be 
content to stay with good will, having but the cloaths on my back; only 
let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full litle did I expecte 
these things which are now come to pass, etc. 

Yours, R. CUSHMAN. 

But whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at 
Leyden I well know not; I rather thinke it was staled by Mr. 
Carver and kept by him, forgiving offence. But this which 
follows was ther received; both which I thought pertenent 
to recite. 

Another of his to the aforesaid, June 11. 1620.^ 

Salutations, etc. I received your le[tte]r yesterday, by John Turner,^ 
with another the same day from Amsterdam by Mr. W. savouring of the 
place whenc it came. And indeed the many discouragements I find her, 
togeather with the demurrs and retirings ther, had made me to say, I 
would give up my accounts to John Carver, and at his comemg aquainte 
him fully with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only the pore cloaths 
on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further consideration, I re- 
solved yet to make one triall more, and to aquainte Mr. Weston with the 
fainted state of our bussines; and though he hath been much discontented 
at some thing amongst us of late, which hath made him often say that 

» "June 11. O. S. is Lord's day, and therefore 't is likely the Date of this 
Letter should be June 10, the same with the Date of the Letter following." (Note 
by Thomas Prince.) 

= John Turner came with two sons in the Mayflower; all died in the first 


save for his promise, he would not meadle at all with the bussines any 
more, yet considering how farr we were plunged into maters, and how 
it stood both on our credits and undoing, at the last he gathered up him 
selfe a litle more, and coming to me 2. hours after, he tould me he would 
not yet leave it. And so advising togeather we resolved to hire a ship, and 
have tooke liking of one till Monday, about 60. laste,* for a greater we 
cannot gett, excepte it be tow great; but a fine ship it is. And seeing our 
neer freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without trou- 
bling them any further; and if the ship fale too small, it fitteth well that 
such as stumble at strawes allready, may rest them ther a while, least worse 
blocks come in the way ere 7. years be ended. If you had beaten this 
bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we 
could thus have done much more conveniently. But it is as it is ; I hope 
our freinds ther, if they be quitted of the ship hire, will be indusced to 
venture the more. All that I now require is that salt and netts may ther 
be boughte, and for all the rest we will here provid it; yet if that will not 
be, let them but stand for it amonth or tow, and we will take order to pay 
it aU. Let Mr. Reinholds^ tarie ther, and bring the ship to Southampton. 
We have hired another pilote here, one Mr. Clarke, who went last year 
to Virginia with a ship of kine.' 

You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall come 
hence on Tewsday night. I had thought to have come with him, to have 
answered to my complaints ; but I shal lerne to pass litle for ther censurs ; 
and if I had more minde to goe and dispute and expostulate with them, 
then I have care of this waightie bussines, I were like them who live by 
clamours and jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie 
to doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study to be 
quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. If men be set on it, let 
them beat the eair; I hope such as are my sinceire freinds will not thinke 
but I can give some reason of my actions. But of your mistaking aboute 
the mater, and other things tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe 
you more distinctly. Mean space entreate our freinds not to be too bussie 
in answering matters, before they know them. If I doe such things as 

' Sixty last equals 120 tons. 

" Reinholds was the captain of the Speedwell, the vessel which abandoned 
the voyage. 

^ This was John Clarke. Rev. E. D. Neill has shown that a Captain Jones, 
whom he believed to be identical with the captain of the Mayflower, went to Vir- 
ginia in 1619 in command of a vessel with kine, and that a man named John 
Clarke was employed by the Virginia Company to go with him. But see post, 
p. 87, note 1. 


I cannot give reasons for, it is like you have sett a foole aboute your 
bussines, and so turne the reproofe to your selves, and send an other, and 
let me come againe to my Combes.' But setting a side my naturall in- 
firmities, I refuse not to have my cause judged, both of God, and all 
indifferent men; and when we come togeather I shall give accounte of 
my actions hear. The Lord, who judgeth justly without respect of per- 
sons, see into the equitie of my cause, and give us quiet, peaceable, and 
patient minds, in all these turmoiles, and sanctifie unto us all crosses 
whatsoever. And so I take my leave of you all, in all love and affection. 

I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days. 

Your pore brother, 

June 11. 1620. Robart Cushman. 

Besids these things, ther fell out a differance amongs those 
3. that received the moneys and made the provissions in 
England; for besids these tow formerly mentioned sent from 
Leyden for this end, viz. Mr. Carver and Robart Cushman, ther 
was one chosen in England to be joyned with them, to make 
the provisions for the vioage; his name was Mr. Martin,^ he 
came from Billirike in Essexe, from which parts came sundrie 
others to goe with them, as also from London and other places; 
and therfore it was thought meete and conveniente by them 
in Holand that these strangers that were to goe with them, 
should apointe one thus to be joyned with them, not so much 
for any great need of their help, as to avoyd all susspition, or 
jelosie of any partialhtie. And indeed their care for giving 
offence, both in this and other things afterward, turned to 
great inconvenience unto them, as in the sequell will apeare; 
but however it shewed their equall and honest minds. The 
provissions were for the most parte made at Southhamton, 
contrarie to Mr. Westons and Robert Ctoshmans mind (whose 
counsells did most concure in all things). A touch of which 
things I shall give in a letter of his to Mr. Carver, and more 
will appear afterward. 

'The writer of this letter was a wool-carder in Leyden; by "combes" he 
meant the cards or combs used in his trade. 

" Christopher Martin, of Billericay, came in the Mayflower and died January 
8, 1620/1. 


To his loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, etc. 

Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full of affection 
and complaints, and what it is you would have of me I know not; for 
your crieing out, Negligence, negligence, negligence, I marvell why so 
negligente a man was used in the bussines. Yet know you that all that 
I have power to doe hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you. 
You have reference to Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then his 
adventure; wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would not have 
done any thing. He saith we take a heady course, and is offended that 
our provissions are made so farr of; as also that he was not made 
aquainted with our quantitie of things; and saith that in now being in 3. 
places, so farr remote, we will, with going up and downe, and wrangling 
and expostulating, pass over the sommer before we will goe. And to 
speake the trueth, ther is fallen already amongst us a flatt schisme; and 
we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a voiage. I have 
received from Leyden since you wente 3. or 4. letters directed to you, 
though they only conscerne me. I will not trouble you with them. I 
always feared the event of the Amsterdamers striking in with us. I trow 
you must excommunicate me, or els you must goe without their companie, 
or we shall wante no quarelLng; but let them pass. We have reckoned, 
it should seeme, without our host; and, counting upon a 150. persons, ther 
cannot be founde above 1200Zi. and odd moneys of all the venturs you can 
reckone, besids some cloath, stockings, and shoes, which are not counted; 
so we shall come shorte at least 3. or 400Zi. I would have had some thing 
shortened at first of beare and other provissions in hope of other ad- 
venturs, and now we could have, both in Amsterd: and Kent, beere inough 
to serve our turne, but now we cannot accept it without prejudice. You 
fear we have begune to build and shall not be able to make an end; 
indeed, oiu- courses were never established by counsell, we may therfore 
justly fear their standing. Yea, ther was a schisme amongst us 3. at the 
first. You wrote to Mr. Martin, to-prevente the making of the provissions 
in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his resolution how much he would 
have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or exception. Surely 
he that is in a societie and yet regards not counsell, may better be a king 
then a consorte. To be short, if ther be not some other dispossition 
setled unto then yet is, we that should be partners of humilitie and peace, 
shall be examples of jangling and insulting. Yet your money which you 
ther must have, we wUl get provided for you instantly. 500/f. you say 
will serve; for the rest which hear and in Holand is to be used, we may 
goe scratch for it. For Mr. Crabe,' of whom you write, he hath promised 
•"He was a minister." (Br.) 


to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be without feare till I see him 
shipped, for he is much opposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke 
the best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and the Lord 
guid us all. 

Your loving freind, 
London, June 10. Robart Cushman. 

An": 1620. 

JLhave bene the larger in these thingSj_and_so^hal^^ 
leave in someUke~passages following, (thoug in other things I 
shal labour to be more contrate,) that-thei r ch ilfli£njnax see 
with_wha±aiiffi^ties_th£ir_father^ throug 

these things in their first beginnings, and Jiow God brought 
them along notwithstanding all their weaknesses and in- 
firmities. As allso that some use may be made hereof in after 
times by others in such like waightie imployments; and here- 
with I will end this chapter. 

The 7. Chap. 

0} their departure from Leyden, and other things ther aboute, 
with their arivall at South hamton, were they all mete 
togeather, and tooke in ther provissions. 

At length, after much travell and these debats, all things 
were got ready and provided. A smale ship' was bought, 
and fitted in Holand, which was intended as to serve to help 
to transport them, so to stay in the cuntrie and atend upon 
fishing and shuch other affairs as might be for the good and 
benefite of the colonic when they came ther. Another was 
hired at London, of burden about 9. score ;^ and all other 

' " Of some 60 tune." (Br.) That its name was the Speedwell is not stated 
by Bradford, and first appears from the statement of his nephew Morton, in New 
England's Memmial (1669). 

' The ship was the Mayflower, of 180 tons. Questions are often asked about 
her dimensions. At that time the method of computing the tonnage of a double- 
decked vessel (which we know she was, because Bradford says that when her 
main beam was sprung a post was placed under it resting on the lower deck), was 
as follows: Ascertain the length above the deck from the fore part of the stem 
to the after part of the stern-post, deduct three-fifths of the width, multiply the 
remainder by the width, multiply the product by one-half of the width and divide 


things gott in readines. So being ready to departe, they had 
a day of soUeme humiUation, their pastor taking his texte 
from Ezra 8. 21. And ther at the river, hy Ahava, I proclaimed 
a fast, that we might humble ourselves before our God, and seeke 
of him a right way for us, and for our children, and for all our 
substance. Upon which he spente a good parte of the day very 
profitably, and suitable to their presente occasion. The rest 
of the time was spente in powering out prairs to the Lord with 
great fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears. And the 
time being come that they must departe, they were accom- 
panied with most of their brethren out of the citie, unto a 
towne sundrie miles of called Delfes-Haven,' wher the ship lay 
ready to receive them. So they lefte that goodly and pleasante 
citie, which had been ther resting place near 12. years; but 
they knew they were pilgrimes,* and looked not much on those 
things, but hft up their eyes to the heavens, their dearest 
cuntrie, and quieted their spirits. When they came to the 
place they found the ship and all things ready; and shuch of 
their freinds as could not come with them followed after them, 
and sundrie also came from Amsterdame to see them shipte 
and to take their leave of them. That night was spent with 
htle sleepe by the most, but with freindly entertainmente and 
christian discourse and other reall expressions of true christian 
love. The next day, the wind being faire, they wente aborde, 
and their freinds with them, where truly dolfuU was the sight 
of that sade and mournfull parting ; to see what sighs and sobbs 
and praires did sound amongst them, what tears did gush 
from every eye, and pithy speeches peirst each harte; that 
sundry of the Dutch strangers that stood on the key as specta- 
tors, could not refraine from tears. Yet comfortable and sweete 

the product by 95. If we assume the extreme length to have been 97J feet, and 
the width to have been twenty feet, we should under this rule have a vessel of 180 
tons. The name Mayflower does not appear in Bradford, but is given in the 
Plymouth Colony records of 1623. It was a common name for ships. 

'Delfshaven is on the Maas, just below Rotterdam. From Leyden one 
would go to it by canal, 24 miles. The place of embarkation at Delfshaven has 
recently been marked by a tablet. " "Heb. 11." (Br.) 


it was to see shuch lively and true expressions of dear and 
unfained love. But the tide (which stays for no man) caling 
them away that were thus loath to departe, their Rev[er]end 
pastor falling downe on his knees, (and they all with him,) 
with watrie cheeks commended them with most fervente 
praiers to the Lord and his blessing. And then with mutuall 
imbrases and many tears, they tooke their leaves one of an 
other; which proved to be the last leave to many of them. 

Thus hoysing saile,* with a prosperus winde they came in 
short time to Southhamton, wher they found the bigger ship 
come from London, lying ready, with all the rest of their 
company. After a joyfull wellcome, and mutuall congratula- 
tions, with othe'' frendly entertainements, they fell to parley 
aboute their bussines, how to dispatch with the best expedition; 
as allso with their agents aboute the alteration of the condi- 
tions. Mr. Carver pleaded he was imployed hear at Hamton,' 
and knew not well what the other had don at London. Mr. 
Cushman answered, he had done nothing but what he was 
urged too, partly by the grounds of equity, and more espetialy 
by necessitie, other wise all had bene dasht and many undon. 
And in the begining he aquainted his felow agents here with 
who consented unto him, and left it to him to execute, and to 
receive the money at London and send it downe to them at 
Hamton, wher they made the provissions; the which he 
accordingly did, though it was against his minde, and some of 
the marchants, that they were their made. And for giveing 
them notise at Leyden of this change, he could not well in 
regarde of the shortnes of the time ; againe, he knew it would 
trouble them and hinder the bussines, which was already 
delayed overlong in regard of the season of the year, which he 
feared they would find to their cost. But these things gave 
not contente at presente. Mr. Weston, likwise, came up from 
London to see them dispatcht and to have the conditions con- 
firmed; but they refused, and answered him, that he knew 

'"Thiswasabout22. of July." (Br.) = Southampton. 


right well that these were not according to the first agreemente 
neither could they yeeld to them without the consente of the 
rest that were behind. And indeed they had spetiall charge 
when they came away, from the cheefe of those that were be- 
hind, not to doe it. At which he was much offended, and tould 
them, they must then looke to stand on their owne leggs. So 
he returned in displeasure, and this was the first ground of 
discontent betweene them. And wheras ther wanted well near 
lOOZi. to clear things at their going away, he would not take 
order to disburse a penie, but let them shift as they could. 
So they were f orst to selle of some of their provissions to stop 
this gape, which was some 3. or 4. score firkins of butter, which 
comoditie they might best spare, haveing provided too large 
a qiiantitie of that kind. Then they write a leter to the 
marchants and adventures aboute the diferances concerning 
the conditions, as foloweth. 

Aug. 3. An": 1620. 
Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther should be occasion of writing 
at all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see the most of you 
hear, but espetially because ther should any differance at all be conceived 
betweene us. But seing it faleth out that we cannot conferr togeather, 
we thinke it meete (though brefly) ta show you the just cause and reason 
of our differing from those articles last made by Robart Cushman, with- 
out our comission or knowledg. And though he might propound good 
ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his doing it. Our maine diference 
is in the 5. and 9. article, concerning the deviding or holding of house and 
lands; the injoying wherof some of your selves well know, was one spetiall 
motive, amongst many other, to provoke us to goe. This was thought so 
reasonable, that when the greatest of you in adventure (whom we have 
much cause to respecte), when he propounded conditions to us freely of 
his owne accorde, he set this downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent 
unto you, with some additions then added by us; which being liked on 
both sids, and a day set for the paimente of moneys, those of Holland paid 
in thebs. After that, Robart Cushman, Mr. Peirce * and Mr. Martine, 

» John Peirce was a citizen and clothworker of London. The first patent of 
the Pilgrims, issued by the southern Virginia Company, was issued in his name and 
finally surrendered. The patent issued by the Council for New England which 
was brought over in the FortuTie in 1621 was also issued in his name. The letter 


brought them into a better forme, and write them in a booke now extante; 
and upon Robarts shewing them and delivering Mr. Mullins* a coppy 
therof under his hand (which we have), he payd in his money. And we 
of Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton, but only 
as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them; upon sight wherof we 
manyfested uter dislike, but had put of our estats and were ready to come, 
and therfore was too late to rejecte the vioage. Judge therfore we beseech 
you indiferently of things, and if a faulte have bene commited, lay it wher 
it is, and not upon us, who have more cause to stand for the one, then you 
have for the other. We never gave Robart Cushman comission to make 
any one article for us, but only sent him to receive moneys upon articles 
before agreed on, and to further the provissions till John Carver came, 
and to assiste him in it. Yet since you conceive your selves wronged as 
well as we, we thought meete to add a branch to the end of our 9. article, 
as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe, which you conceive to be in it. 
But that it may appeare to all men that we are not lovers of our selves only, 
but desire also the good and inriching of our f reinds who have adventured 
your moneys with our persons, we have added our last article to the rest, 
promising you againe by leters in the behalfe of the whole company, 
that if large profits should not arise within the 7. years, that we will con- 
tinue togeather longer with you, if the Lord give a blessing.^ This we 
hope is sufficente to satisfie any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we are 
asured that if the whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will 
not stand upon it, nether doe regarde it, etc. We are in shuch a streate at 
presente, as we are forced to sell away 60li. worth of our provissions to 
cleare the Haven, and withall put our selves upon great extremities, scarce 
haveing any butter, no oyle, not a sole to mend a shoe, nor every man a 
sword to his side, wanting many muskets, much armoure, etc. And yet 
we are willing to expose our selves to shuch eminente dangers as are like 
to insue, and trust to the good providence of God, rather then his name 
and truth should be evill spoken of for us. Thus saluting all of you in 
love, and beseeching the Lord to give a blesing to our endeavore, and 
keepe all our harts in the bonds of peace and love, we take leave and rest. 

Yours, etc. 
Aug. 3. 1620. 

in "Mourt's Relation," addressed to J. P. and signed R. G., was addressed to 

' William MuUins, a member of the Leyden church, came in the Mayflower 
with wife and two children and died February 21, 1621. His daughter was the 
Priscilla of Longfellow's Courtship of Miles Standish. 

' " It was well for them that this was not accepted." (Br.) 


It was subscribed with many names of the eheefest of the 

At their parting Mr. Robinson write a leter to the whole 
company, which though it hath aheady bene printed/ yet I 
thought good here likwise to inserte it; as also a breefe leter 
writ at the same time to Mr. Carver, in which the tender love 
and godly care of a true pastor appears. 

My dear Brother, — ^I received inclosed in your last leter the note 
of information, which I shall carefuly keepe and make use of as ther shall 
be occasion. I have a true feeling of your perplexitie of mind and toyle 
of body, but I hope that you who have allways been able so plentifully 
to administer comf orte unto others in their trials, are so well furnished for 
your selfe as that farr greater difficulties then you have yet undergone 
(though I conceive them to have been great enough) cannot oppresse you, 
though they press you, as the Apostle speaks. The spirite of a man 
(sustained by the spirite of God) will sustaine his infirmitie, I dout not 
so will yours. And the beter much when you shall injoye the presence 
and help of so many godly and wise bretheren, for the bearing of part of 
your burthen, who also will not admitte into their harts the least thought 
of suspition of any the least negligence, at least presumption, to have 
been in you, what so ever they thinke in others. Now what shall I say 
or write unto you and your goodwife my loving sister?^ even only this, I 
desire (and allways shall) unto you from the Lord, as unto my owne soule; 
and assure your selfe that my harte is with you, and that I will not f orslowe 
my bodily coming at the first oppertunitie. I have writen a large leter to 
the whole, and am sorie I shall not rather speak then write to them ; and 
the more, considering the wante of a preacher, which I shall also make 
sume spurr to my hastening after you. I doe ever commend my best 
affection unto you, which if I thought you made any doubte of, I would 
express in more, and the same more ample and full words. And the Lord 
in whom you trust and whom you serve ever in this bussines and journey, 
guid you with his hand, protecte you with his winge, and shew you and 
us his salvation in the end, and bring us in the mean while togeather in 
the place desired, if shuch be his good will, for his Christs sake. Amen. 

Yours, etc. 

July 27. 1620. Jo: R. 

' In the prefatory pages of "Mourt's Relation" (1622). 
' This passage has led to the supposition that Katherine Carver, the governor's 
wife, was Robinson's sister. 


This was the last letter that Mr. Carver Uved to see from 
him. The other follows.' 

Lovinge Christian friends, I doe hartily and in the Lord salute you 
all, as being they with whom I am presente in my best affection, and most 
ernest longings after you, though I be constrained for a while to be bodily 
absente from you. I say constrained, God knowing how willingly, and 
much rather then otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this 
first brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held back for the present. 
Make accounte of me in the mean while, as of a man devided in my selfe 
with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set a side) having my beter parte 
with you. And though I doubt not but in your godly wisdoms, you both 
foresee and resolve upon that which concerneth your presente state and 
condition, both severally and joyntly, yet have I thought it but my duty 
to add some furder spurr of provocation unto them, who rune allready, 
if not because you need it, yet because I owe it in love and dutie. And 
first, as we are daly to renew our repentance with our God, espetially for 
our sines known, and generally for our unknowne trespasses, so doth the 
Lord call us in a singular maner upon occasions of shuch difficultie and 
danger as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search and careful! 
reformation of your ways in his sight; least he, calling to remembrance 
our sines forgotten by us or unrepented of, take advantage against us, 
and in judgmente leave us for the same to be swalowed up in one danger 
or other; wheras, on the contrary, sine being taken away by ernest re- 
pentance and the pardon therof from the Lord sealed up unto a mans 
conscience by his spirite, great shall be his securitie and peace in all 
dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with hapie deliverance from 
all evill, whether in life or in death. 

Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our owne consciences, 
we are carefully to provide for peace with all men what in us lieth, es- 
petially with our associats, and for that watchfuUnes must be had, that 
we neither at all in our selves doe give, no nor easily take offence being 
given by others. Woe- be unto the world for offences, for though it be 
necessarie (considering the malice of Satan and mans corruption) that 
offences come, yet woe unto the man or woman either by whom the 
offence cometh, saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7. And if offences in the un- 
seasonable use of things in them selves indifferent, be more to be feared 
then death itself e, as the Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 9. 15. how much more 
in things simply evill, in which neither honour of God nor love of man is 
thought worthy to be regarded. Neither yet is it sufficiente that we keepe 

' "This Letter is omitted in Gov. Bradford's Collection of Letters." (Prince.) 


our selves by the»grace of God from giveing offence, exepte withall we be 
armed against the taking of them when they be given by others. For 
how unperfect and lame is the work of grace in that person, who wants 
charritie to cover a multitude of offences, as the scriptures speake. Neither 
are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon the commone grounds of 
Christianitie, which are, that persons ready to take offence, either wante 
charitie, to cover offences, of wisdome duly to waigh humane frailtie; 
or lastly, are grosse, though close hipocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth. 
Mat. 7. 1, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne experience, few or none have bene 
found which sooner give offence, then shuch as easily take' it; neither have 
they ever proved sound and profitable members in societies, which have 
nurished this touchey humor. But besids these, ther are diverse motives 
provoking you above others to great care and conscience this way: As 
first, you are many of you strangers, as to the persons, so to the infirmities 
one of another, and so stand in neede of more watchfuUnes this way, least 
when shuch things fall out in men and women as you suspected not, you 
be inordinatly affected with them; which doth require at your hands 
much wLsdome and charitie for the covering and preventing of incident 
offences that way. And lastly, your intended course of civill comunitie 
will minister continuall occasion of offence, and will be as fuell for that 
fire, excepte you dilligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And 
if taking of offence causlesly or easilie at mens doings be so carefuly to be 
avoyded, how much more heed is to be taken that we take not offence at 
God him selfe, which yet we certainly doe so often as we doe murmure 
at his providence in our crosses, or beare impatiently shuch afilictions as 
wherwith he pleaseth to visite us. Store up therfore patience against the 
evill day, without which we take offence at the Lord him selfe in his holy 
and just works. 

A 4. thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that with your 
commone imployments you joyne commone affections truly bente upon 
the generall good, avoyding as a deadly plague of your both commone and 
spetiall comfort all retirednes of mindefor proper advantage, and all singu- 
larly affected any maner of way; let every man represe in him selfe and 
the whol body in each person, as so many rebels against the commone 
good, all private respects of mens selves, not sorting with the generall 
conveniencie. And as men are carfull not to have a new house shaken 
with any violence before it be well setled and the parts firmly knite, so be 
you, I beseech you, brethren, much more carfull, that the house of God 
which you are, and are to be, be not shaken with unnecessarie novelties 
or other oppositions at the first setling therof . 

Lastly, wheras you are become a body politik, using amongst your 


selves civill govermente, and are not furnished with any persons of spetiall 
eminencie above the rest, to be chosen by you into office of goverment, 
let your wisdome and godlines appeare, not only in chusing shuch persons 
as doe entirely love and will promote the commone good, but also in 
yeelding unto them all due honour and obedience in their lawfull adminis- 
trations; not behoulding in them the ordinarinesse of their persons, but 
Gods ordinance for your good, not being like the foolish multitud who 
more honour the gay coate, then either the vertuous minde of the man, 
or glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better things, and that 
the image of the Lords power and authoritie which the magistrate beareth, 
is honourable, in how meane persons soever. And this dutie you both 
may the more willingly and ought the more conscionably to performe, 
because you are at least for the present to have only them for your or- 
dinarie governours, which your selves shall make choyse of for that worke. 
Sundrie other things of importance I could put you in minde of, 
and of those before mentioned, in more words, but I will not so farr wrong 
your godly minds as to thinke you heedless of these things, ther being also 
diverce among you so well able to admonish both them selves and others 
of what concerneth them. These few things therfore, and the same in 
few words, I doe ernestly commend unto your care and conscience, joyning 
therwith my daily incessante prayers unto the Lord, that he who hath 
made the heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters, and whose 
providence is over all his workes, espetially over all his dear children for 
good, would so guide and gard you in your wayes, as inwardly by his 
Spirite, so outwardly by the hand of his power, as that both you and we 
also, for and with you, may have after matter of praising his name all the 
days of your and our lives. Fare you well in him in whom you trust, and 
in whom I rest. 

An unfained wellwiller of your hapie 
success in this hopeful! voyage, 

John Robinson. 

This letter, though large, yet being so frutfull in it selfe, 
and suitable to their occation, I thought meete to inserte in 
this place. 

All things being now ready, and every bussines dispatched, 
the company was caled togeather, and this letter read amongst 
them, which had good acceptation with all and after fruit with 
many. Then they ordered and distributed their company for 
either shipe, as they conceived for the best. And chose a 


Gov"" and 2. or 3. assistants for each shipe, to order the peo- 
ple by the way, and see to the dispossing of there provissions, 
and shuch Mke affairs. All which was not only with the hking 
of the maisters of the ships, but according to their desires. 
Which being done, they sett sayle from thence aboute the 5. 
of August; but what befell them further upon the coast of 
England will appeare in the nexte chapter. 

The 8. Chap. 

Off the troubls that befell them on the coaste, and at sea being 
forced, after much trouble, to leave one of ther ships and 
some of their companie behind them. 

Being thus put to sea they had not gone farr, but Mr. 
Reinolds the m"" of the leser ship complained that he found 
his ship so leak as he durst not put fiu-ther to sea till she was 
mended. So the m"" of the biger ship (caled Mr. Jonas)^ be- 
ing consulted with, they both resolved to put into Dartmouth 
and have her ther searched and mended, which accordingly 
was done, to their great charg and losse of time and a faire 
winde. She was hear thorowly searcht from steme to steme, 
some leaks were found and mended, and now it was conceived 
by the workmen and all, that she was sufficiente, and they 
might proceede without either fear or danger. So with good 
hopes from hence, they put to seaagaine, conceiving they should 
goe comfortably on, not looking for any more lets of this kind; 
but it fell out otherwise, for after they were gone to sea againe 
above 100. leagues without the Lands End, houlding company 

' Since the publication of Neill's Virginia Company of London, it has been 
usual to identify this Captain Jones with Thomas Jones, who in the Discovery 
sailed to Virginia in November, 1621, visited Plymouth the next summer (see p. 
139, post), robbed the natives, and died in Virginia in 1624, under some suspicion of 
piracy. This identification has lent support to the view that he behaved with 
treachery toward the Pilgrims off Cape Cod. But Mr. R. G. Marsden seems to 
have proved, in the English Historical Review, XIX. 669-680, that the captain of 
the Mayflower was Christopher Jones, a man against whose character nothing is 
known. See also New England Historic Genealogical Register, XL. 62. Cap- 
tain Christopher Jones died in 1622. 


togeather all this while, the m"" of the small ship complained 
his ship was so leake as he must beare up or sinke at sea, for 
they could scarce free her with much pumping. So they 
came to consultation againe, and resolved both ships to bear up 
backe againe and put into Plimmoth, which accordingly was 
done. But no spetiall leake could be foimde, but it was 
judged to be the generall weaknes of the shipe, and that shee 
would not prove sufficiente for the voiage. Upon which it was 
resolved to dismise her and parte of the companie, and pro- 
ceede with the other shipe. The which (though it was greevous, 
and caused great discouragmente) was put in execution. So 
after they had tooke out such provission as the other ship 
could well stow, and concluded both what number and what 
persons to send bak, they made another sad parting, the one 
ship going backe for London, and the other was to proceede 
on her viage. Those that went bak were for the most parte 
such as were willing so to doe, either out of some discontente, 
or feare they conceived of the ill success of the vioage, seeing 
so many croses befale, and the year time so farr spente; but 
others, in regarde of their owne weaknes, and charge of many 
yonge children, were thought least usefull, and most unfite to 
bear the brunte of this hard adventure; imto which worke of 
God, and judgmente of their brethem, they were contented 
to submite. And thus, like Gedions armie, this small number 
was devided, as if the Lord by this worke of his providence 
thought these few to many for the great worke he had to doe. 
But here by the way let me show, how afterward it was found 
that the leaknes of this ship was partly by being over masted, 
and too much pressed with sayles-; for after she was sould and 
put into her old trime, she made many viages and performed 
her service very sufficiently, to the great profite of her owners. 
But more espetially, by the cuning and deceite of the m' 
and his company, who were hired to stay a whole year in the 
cimtrie, and now fancying disUke and fearing wante of victeles, 
they ploted this strategem to free them selves; as afterwards 


was knowne, and by some of them confessed. For they ap- 
prehended that the greater ship, being of force, and in whom 
most of the provissions were stowed, she would retayne 
enough for her selfe, what soever became of them or the pas- 
sengers; and indeed shuch speeches had bene cast out by some 
of them; and yet, besids other incouragments, the cheefe of 
them that came from Leyden wente in this shipe to give the 
m'" contents. But so strong was self love and his fears, as 
he forgott all duty and former kindnesses, and delt thus falsly 
with them, though he pretended otherwise. Amongest those 
that returned was Mr. Cushman and his famihe, whose hart 
and courage was gone from them before, as it seems, though 
his body was with them till now he departed; as may appeal 
by a passionate letter he write to a freind in London from 
Dartmouth, whilst the ship lay ther a mending; the which, 
besids t he expression J^f-^'Js-ewae-ieara.-it-shaws-imicL. of .the 
J^a3dd£a££LJQiJGtg.d^ working ,iQiLJth£Jx..gQod., beyonde jnsm/s 
Vvjipptatinn^ n.nH other t,hing;s concerning their condit ion in 
thfiSE.stceatfei- I will hear relate it. And though it discover 
some infirmities in him (as who imder temtation is free), yet 
after this he continued to be a spetiall instrumente for their 
good, and to doe the offices of a loving freind and faithfuU 
brother tmto them, and pertaker of much comforte with them. 
The letter is as foUowth. 

To his loving friend Ed: S.^ at Henige House in the Duks Place, these, 

Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 
Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you and your wife, 
with loving E. M. etc. whom in this world I never looke to see againe. 
For besids the eminente dangers of this viage, which are no less then 
deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased me, which will not in all licely- 
hoode leave me till death. What to call it I know not, but it is a bundle 

' Straits. 

'^''In Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters, this is Edward South- 
worth." (Prince.) Edward Southworth was a member of the Leyden congrega- 
tion who did not go to New England. His widow, Alice, afterward became the 
second wife of Governor Bradford. Duke's Place is in London. 


of lead, as it were, crushing my harte more and more these 14. days, as 
that allthough I doe the acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as dead; 
but the will of God be done. Our pinass will not cease leaking, els I 
thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage hither hath been as 
full of crosses, as our selves have been of crokednes. We put in hear to 
trimme her, and I thinke, as others also, if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 
4. howers more, shee would have sunke right downe. And though she 
was twise trimmed at Hamton, yet now shee is open and leakie as a seive; 
and ther was a borde, a man might have puld of with his fingers, 2 foote 
longe, wher the water came in as at a mole hole. We lay at Hamton 7. 
days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear waiting for 
her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have done these 4. days, and 
are like to lye 4. more, and by that time the wind will happily turne as it 
did at Hampton. Our victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before 
we goe from the coaste of England, and if ova viage last longe, we shall 
not have a months victialls when we come in the countrie. Neare 700/i. 
hath bene bestowed at Hampton, upon what I know not. Mr. Martin 
saith he neither can nor will give any accounte of it, and if he be called 
upon for accounts he crieth out of unthankf uUnes for his paines and care, 
that we are susspitious of him, and flings away, and will end nothing. 
Also he so insulteth over our poore people, with shuch scome and con- 
tempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break 
your hart to see his dealing,^ and the mourning of our people. They 
complaine to me, and alass ! I can doe nothing for them ; if I speake to 
him, he flies in my face, as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be 
heard or received but by him selfe, and saith they are forwarde, and 
waspish, discontented people, and I doe ill to hear them. Ther are others 
that would lose all they have put in, or make satisfaction for what they 
have had, that they might depart; but he will not hear them, nor suffer 
them to goe ashore, least they should rune away. The sailors also are 
so offended at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling and controuling in things 
he knows not what belongs too, as that some threaten to misscheefe him, 
others say they will leave the shipe and goe their way. But at the best 
this Cometh of it, that he maks him selfe a scome and laughing stock unto 
them. As for Mr. Weston, excepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, 
he will hate us ten times more then ever he loved us, for not confirming the 
conditions. But now, since some pinches have taken them, they begine 
to reveile the trueth, and say Mr. Robinson was in the falte who charged 
them never to consente to those conditions, nor chuse me into oflSce, but 

' "He was govemour in the biger ship, and Mr. Cushman assistant^^'' (Br.) 


indeede apointed them to chose them they did chose.' But he and they 
will rue too late, they may now see, and all be ashamed when it is too late, 
that they were so ignorante, yea, and so inordinate in their courses. I am 
sure as they were resolved not to scale those conditions, I was not so reso- 
lute at Hampton to have left the whole bussines, excepte they would scale 
them, and better the vioage to have bene broken of then, then to have 
brought such miserie to our selves, dishonour to God, and detrimente to 
our loving freinds, as now it is like to doe. 4. or 5. of the cheefe of them 
which came from Leyden, came resolved never to goe on those conditions. 
And Mr. Martine, he said he never received no money on those conditions, 
he was not beholden to the marchants for a pine, they wer&bloudsuckers, 
and I know not what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions 
with the marchants, nor ever spake with them. But did all that money 
flie to Hampton, or was it his owne ? Who will goe and lay out money 
so rashly and lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it, 
or on what conditions? 2'^. I tould him of the alteration longe agoe, 
and he was contente; but now he dominires, and said I had betrayed them 
into the hands of slaves; he is not beholden to them, he can set out 2. 
ships him selfe to a viage. When, good man? He hath but 50li. in, 
and if he should give up his accounts he would not have a penie left him,j 
as I am persuaded,^ etc. Freind, if ever w e make a p lantation, Go dj 
wjarks a mita kle; especially consider ing how s cante we shall be of yintngll a ! 
a£djn£ist-4aLalljlimmted amongst our selves, and devoyd of goodtutoi^l 

and rpgimpntp Vin1pnpp"wiTltyi7gi> all "VVhPT is thp mpplf and hnrnhlp 

spirite of Moyses ? and of Nehemiah who reedified the wals of Jerusalem, 
and the state of Israeli? Is not the sound of Rehoboams braggs daly 
hear amongst us ? Have not the philosophers and all wise men observed 
that, even in setled commone welths, violente governours bring either 
them selves, or people, or boath, to ruine; how much more in the raising 
of commone wealths, when the morter is yet scarce tempered that should 

bind the wales. JfJ iSll""H "^"'tfi ^" y"" "f "11 thi'nga wT^iVti prnmigfij^ngly 

forerune our ruin p^, T shnn lfl nvpr phHr;;;p my w^'ak" h"fld fi"d g^'ppv y^w^ 
tender hart; only this, I p ray yo ujgrepaEeior ^vill tiding" "f "s pvery day . 
Ba t pray fof Tismstantly, it mayHbe the Lord will be yet entreated one way 
or other to make for us. I see not in rea son how we shall escape even th e 
gasping of hung fii' stg^xyed-I!g;^"S~^"1' Grod can doemuchj_andhis will 
be done. It is better for metoHye, then now for meto bear itj which 1 
^e^'dalyTaMdrexpecte it howerly; haveing received the sentance of death, 
both within me and without me. Poore William King and my selfe doe 

• " I thinke he was deceived in these things." (Br.) 

2 "This was found true afterward." (Br.) 


strive who shall be meate first for the fishes; but we looke for a glorious 

rfisuri£ctiQnj_kno2sdng -Christ- Jesus -a£teLlhe_ 

untotke joy-eihalisbefoDe us, we will endure al l these thingsa nd^ccounte 
them light in comparison of that joye we hope for. Remember me in all 
love to our freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I desire ernestly, 
and wish againe to see, but not till I can with more comforte looke them 
in the face. The Lord give us that true comforte which none can take 
from us. I had a desire to make a breefe relation of our estate to some 
freind. I doubte not but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to 
utter things as here after you shall be called to it. That which I have 
writen is treue, and many things more which I have forborne. I write it 
as upon my life, and last confession in England. What is of use to be 
spoken of presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile, con- 
ceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake, and my body 
feeble, the Lord make me strong in him, and keepe both you and yours. 

Your loving freind, 


L^ Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 1620. 

--f These being his conceptions and fears at Dartmouth, they 
must needs be much stronger now at Phmoth. 

The 9. Chap. 

Of their vioage, and how they passed the sea, and of their safe 
arrival at Cape Codd. 

Sept^: 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now 
all being compacte togeather in one shipe,^ they put to sea 
againe with a prosperus winde, which continued diverce days 
togeather, which was some incouragmente unto them; yet 
according to the> usuall nianer many were afflicted with sea- 
sicknes. And I may not omite hear a spetiall worke of Gods 
providence. Ther was a proud and very profane yonge man, 
one of the sea-men, of a lustie, able body, which made him the 
more hauty; he would allway be contemning the poore people 
in their sicknes, and cursing them dayly with greevous exe- 
crations, and did not let to tell them," that he hoped to help 

' For Governor Bradford's list of passengers in the Mayflower, see Appendix, 
No. I. 2 Did not refrain from telling them. 


to cast halfe of them over board before they came to their 
jurneys end, and to make mery with what they had; and if 
he were by any gently reproved, he would curse and swear 
most bitterly. But it plased God before* they came halfe 
seas over, to smite this yong man with a greeveous disease, of 
which he dyed in a desperate maner, and so was him selfe the 
first that was throwne overbord. Thus his curses hght on his 
owne head; and it was an astonishmente to all his fellows, for 
they noted it to be the just hand of God upon him. 

After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for a season, 
they were incountred many times with crosse winds, and mette 
with many feirce stormes, with which the shipe was shroudly' 
shaken, and her upper works made- very leakie; and one of 
the maine beames in the midd ships was bowed and craked, 
which put them in some fear that the shipe could not be able 
to performe the vioage. So some of the cheefe of the com- 
pany, perceiveing the mariners to feare the suffisiencie of the 
shipe, as appeared by their mutterings, they entred into 
serious consuUtation with the m"" and other officers of the 
ship, to consider in time of the danger; and rather to retume 
then to cast them selves into a desperate- and inevitable perill. 
And truly ther was great distraction and differance of opinion 
amongst the mariners them selves; faine would they doe what 
could be done for then- wages sake, (being now halfe the seas 
over,) and on the other hand they were loath to hazard their 
lives too desperately. But in examening of all opinions, the 
m"" and others affirmed they knew the ship to be stronge 
and firme tinder water; and for the buckling^ of the maine 
beame, ther was a great iron scrue the passengers brought out 
of Holland, which would raise the beame into his place; the 
which being done, the carpenter and m"" affirmed that with 
a post put imder it, set firme in the lower deck, and otherways 
bounde, he would make it sufficiente. And as for the decks 
and uper workes they would calke them as well as they could, 

' Shrewdly, severely. ' Bending under strain. 


and though with the workeing of the ship they would not longe 
keepe stanch, yet ther would otherwise be no great danger, if 
they did not overpress her with sails. So they commited them 
selves to the will of God, and resolved to proseede. In sundrie 
of these stormes the winds were so feirce, and the seas so high, 
as they could not beare a knote of saile, but were forced to hull,' 
for diverce days togither. And in one of them, as they thus 
lay at hull, in a mighty storme, a lustie yonge man (called John 
Howland) coming upon some occasion above the grattings, 
was, with a seele^ of the shipe throwne into [the] sea; but it 
pleased God that he caught hould of the top-saile halliards, 
which himge over board, and rane out at length; yet he held 
his hould (though he was simdrie fadomes under water) till he 
was hald up by the same rope to the brime of the water, and 
then with a boat hooke and other means got into the shipe 
againe, and his Ufe saved; and though he was something ill 
with it, yet he hved many years after, and became a profitable 
member both in chm-ch and commone wealthe. In all this 
viage ther died but one of the passengers, which was Wilham 
Butten,' a youth, servant to Samuell Fuller, when they drew 
near the coast. But to omite other things, (that I may be 
breefe,) after longe beating at sea they fell with that land which 
is called Cape Cod ; the which being made and certainly knowne 
to be it, they were not a htle joyfuU. After some dehberation 
had amongst them selves and with the m'' of the ship, they 
tacked aboute and resolved to stande for the southward (the 
wind and weather being faire) to finde some place aboute 
Hudsons river for their habitation. But after they had sailed 
that course aboute halfe the day,^ they fell amongst deangerous 

' To drift. ^ The "seele" of a ship is the toss in a rough sea. 

' William Butten, son of Robert, baptized in the Austerfield church Feb- 
ruary 12, 1598, O. S. 

* As the Mayflower approached Cape Cod she probably had the wind north- 
west and when she changed her course she stood south-southwest until she reached 
Pollock Rip. From that point up the Sound the deep water course is west- 
northwest, leaving Shovel Full Shoal on the port hand. On that course the 
northwest wind would shrink upon her, as expressed by Bradford. 









:;'.€# ■ 

j^v.CaritdynJo&t ^mitCj 


shoulds and roring breakers, and they were so farr intangled 
ther with as they conceived them selves in great danger; and 
the wind shrinking upon them withall, they resolved to bear 
up againe for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy to gett 
out of those dangers before night overtooke them, as by Gods 
providence they did. And the next day they gott into the 
Cape-harbor wher they ridd in saftie. A word or too by the 
way of this cape; it was thus first named by Capten Gosnole 
and his company, An°: 1602,^ and after by Capten Smith was 
caled Cape James; but it retains the former name amongst 
seamen. Also that pointe which first shewed those dangerous 
shoulds unto them, they called Pointe Care, and Tuckers 
Terroiir; but the French and Dutch to this day call it Mala- 
barr,^ by reason of those perilous shoulds, and the losses 
they have suffered their. 

Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe to 
land, they fell upon their knees and blessed the God of heaven, 
who had brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and 
deHvered them from all the periles and miseries therof , againe 
to set their feete on the firme and stable earth, their proper 
elemente. And no marvell if they were thus joyefuU, seeing 
wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles on the 
coast of his owne Italy; as he aflSrmed,' that he had rather 
remaine twentie years on his way by land, then pass by sea 
to any place in a short time; so tedious arid dreadfull was 
the same imto him. 

But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand 
half amased at this poore peoples presente condition; and so 
I thinke will the reader too, when he well considers the same. 
Being thus passed the vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before 
in their preparation (as may be remembred by that which 

' "Because they tooke much of that fishe ther." (Br.) See Early English 
and French Voyages, in this series, p. 331. The name Cape James appears on 
Captain John Smith's map of New England; see the fac-simile in this volume. 

' Cape Malabarr was the Mallebarre of Champlain. See his map, in Voy- 
ages of Samuel de Champlain, in this series. ' "Epist: 53." (Br.) 


wente before), they had now no freinds to wellcome them, 
nor inns to entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten bodys, 
no houses or much less townes to repaire too, to seeke for suc- 
coure. It is recorded in scripture' as- a mercie to the apostle 
and his shipwraked company, that the barbarians shewed 
them no smale kindnes in refreshing them, but these savage 
barbarians, when they mette with them (as after will appeare) 
were readier to fill their sids full of arrows then otherwise. 
And for the season it was winter, and they that know the 
winters of that cuntrie know them to be sharp and violent, 
and subjecte to cruell and feirce stormes, deangerous to travill 
to known places, much more to serch an unknown coast. 
Besids, what could they see but a hidious and desolate wilder- 
nes, full of wild beasts and willd men? and what multituds ther 
might be of them they knew not. Nether could they, as it 
were, goe up to the tope of Pisgah, to vew from this willdemes 
a more goodly cuntrie to feed their hops ; for' which way soever 
they tm-nd their eys (save upward to the heavens) they could 
have litle solace or content in respecte of any outward objects. 
I For summer being done, all things stand upon them with a 
wetherbeaten face ; and the whole countrie, full of woods and 
thickets, represented a wild and savage heiw. If they looked 
behind them, ther was the mighty ocean which they had passed, 
and was now as a maine barr and goulfe to seperate them from 
all the civill parts of the world. If it be said they had a ship 
to sucour them, it is trew; but what heard they daly from the 
m' and company? but that with speede they should looke 
out a place with their shallop, wher they would be at some 
near distance ; for the season was shuch as he would not stirr 
from thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them wher 
they would be, and he might goe without danger; and that 
victells consumed apace, but he must and would keepe sufficient 
for them selves and their retume. Yea, it was muttered by 
some, that if they gott not a place in time, they would tume 

' "Act. 28." (Br.) 


them and their goods ashore and leave them. Let it also be 
considred what weake hopes of supply and succoure they left 
behinde them, that might bear up their minds in this sade con- 
dition and trialls they were under; and they could not but be 
very smale. It is true, indeed, the affections and love of their 
brethren at Leyden was cordiall and entire towards them, but 
they had litle power to help them, or them selves; and how 
the case stode betweene them and the marchants at their 
coming away, hath allready been declared. What could now 
sustaine them but the spirite of God and his grace? MayjooL 
a nd ought not th e children of these father s rig htly say:_ j3j/.r 
fait hers wer e Englishmen which came over this grea t oceanj and 
were ready to perish in this.willdernes;^ but they cried unto the 
Lord, a'Mrh'e heard their voyce, and looked on their adversitie, 
etc. Let them therfore praise the Lord, because he is good, and ^ 
his mercies endure for ever.^ JY^a, le,t Ih^m rphichJimeJieaa^ . 
redeemed-jc4-ib& Lord, ^^^jijmvhe hath delivered them from the y^ 
mnd of the oppressour. When they~wandered in the deserte 
vMd^ni:ss~ovi~t)f-'-^ce~WdJy, and found no citie to dwell in, both 
hungrie, and thirstie, their sowle was overwhelmed in them. 
Let them conf£ss_ before the _Jj ord his loving kindneSj Und his 
wonderfyMjVjQxk s b e f o re JM-S.oiLS_olmm. 

The 10. Chap. 

Showing how they sought out a place of habitation, and what 
befell them theraboute. 

Being thus arrived at Cap-Cod the 11. of November, and 
necessitie calling them to looke out a place for habitation, (as 
well as the maisters and mariners importimitie,) they having 
brought a large shalop with theni out of England, stowed in 
quarters in the ship, they now gott her out and sett their car- 
penters to worke to trime her up; but being much brused and 
shatered in the shipe with foule weather, they saw she would 

' "Deu: 26. 5, 7." (Br.) ' "107 Psa: v. 1, 2, 4, 5, 8." (Br.) 


be longe in mending. Wherupon a few of them tendered 
them selves to goe by land and discovere those nearest places, 
whilst the shallop was in mending; and the rather because as 
they wente into that harbor ther seemed to be an opening some 
2. or 3 leagues of, which the maister judged to be a river. 
It was conceived ther might be some danger in the attempte, 
yet seeing them resolute, they were permited to goe, being 16. 
of them well armed, under the conduct of Captain Standish,' 
having shuch instructions given them as was thought meete. 
They sett forth the 15. of Nove'^'': and when they had marched 
aboute the space of a mile by the sea side, they espied 5. or 6. 
persons with a dogg coming towards them, who were salv- 
ages; but they fled from them, and ranne up into the woods, 
and the English followed them, partly to see if they could 
speake with them, and partly to discover if ther might not be 
more of them Ijdng in ambush. But the Indeans seeing them 
selves thus followed, they againe forsooke the woods, and rane 
away on the sands as hard as they could, so as they could not 
come near them, but followed them by the tracte of their feet 
simdrie miles, and saw that they had come the same way. So, 
night coming on, they made their randevous and set out their 
sentinels, and rested in quiete that night, and the next morning 
followed their tracte till they had headed a great creake, and 
so left the sands, and turned an other way into the woods. 

' Myles Standish is here mentioned for the first time in the history. He was 
bom in Lancashire about 1586, and was in service in Holland during her war with 
Spain. During the twelve years' truce he found the Pilgrims in Leyden and 
came in the Mayflower with his wife Rose, who died January 29, 1620/1. He 
married a second wife, Barbara, who may have come in the Anne or LMe James 
in 1623. In 1625 he went to England in behalf of the colony. He received a 
grant of land in Duxbury which he occupied as early as 1630. The state- 
ment often made that he was a Roman Catholic is probably not correct. The 
following entry in the Plymouth Colony records shows that he was a Protestant 
if not a full member of the Plymouth Church: "Anno 1632 Aprell 2— the names 
of those which promise to remove their families to live in the towne in the win- 
ter time that they may the better repaire to the worship of God— John Alden, 
Capt. Standish, Jonathan Brewster, Thomas Prence." 

Of the explorations on Cape Cod, here described, there is a fuller account in 
"Mourt's Relation." 


But they still followed them by geuss, hopeing to find their 
dwellings; but they soone lost both them and them selves, 
falling into shuch thickets as were ready to tear their cloaths 
and armore in peeces, but were most distresed for wante of 
drinke. But at length they found water and refreshed them 
selves, being the first New-England water they drunke of, and 
was now in thir great thirste as pleasante unto them as wine 
or bear had been in for-times. Afterwards they directed their 
course to come to the other shore, for they knew it was a necke 
of land they were to crosse over, and so at length gott to the 
sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, and by the way 
found a pond of clear fresh water, and shortly after a good 
quantitie of clear ground wher the Indeans had formerly set 
come, and some of their graves/ And proceeding furder they 
saw new-stuble wher come had been set the same year, also 
they foimd wher latly a house had been, wher some planks and 
a great ketle was remaining, and heaps of sand newly padled 
with their hands, which they, digging up, found in them diverce 
faire Indean baskets filled with come, and some in eares, faire 
and good, of diverce coUours, which seemed to them a very 
goodly sight, (haveing never seen any shuch before). This 
was near the place of that supposed river they came to seeckf 
imto which they wente and found it to open it selfe into 2. 
armes with a high chffe of sand in the enterance, but more like 
to be crikes of salte water then any fresh, for ought they saw; 
and that ther was good harborige for their shalope; leaving it 
further to be discovered by their shalop when she was ready. 
So their time hmeted them being expired, they returned 
to the ship, least they should be in fear of their saftie; and 
tooke with them parte of the come, and buried up the rest, 
and so hke the men from EshcoU carried with them of the 
fruits of the land, and showed their breethren; of which, and 

• Near Pond Village, in Truro. 

''Pamet River, in the same township. The second "discovery" or ex- 
ploration extended somewhat farther into the same region. The third extended 
quite around Cape Cod Bay. 


their returne, they were marvelusly glad, and their harts 

After this, the shalop being got ready, they set out againe 
for the better discovery of this place, and the m^ of the ship 
desired to goe him selfe, so ther went some 30. men, but found 
it to be no harbor for ships but only for boats; ther was allso 
found 2. of their houses covered with matts, and sundrie of 
their implements in them, but the people were rune away and 
could not be seen; also ther was found more of their come, 
and of their beans of various collours. The come and beans 
they brought away, pmposing to give them full satisfaction 
when they should meete with any of them (as about some 6. 
months afterward they did, to their good contente). And here 
is to be noted a spetiall providence of God, and a great mercie 
to this poore people, that hear they gott seed to plant them 
corne the next year, or els they might have starved, for they 
had none, nor any liklyhood to get any till the season had 
beene past (as the sequell did manyfest). Neither is it hckly 
they had had this, if the first viage had not been made, for the 
ground was now all covered with snow, and hard frozen. But 
the Lord is never wanting imto his in their greatest needs; let 
his holy name have all the praise. 

The month of November being spente in these affairs, and 
much foule weather falling in, the 6. of Desem"": they sente 
out their shallop againe with 10. of their principall men, and 
some sea men, upon further discovery, intending to circulate 
that deepe bay of Cap-codd. The weather was very could, 
and it frose so hard as the sprea of the sea hghtmg on their 
coats, they were as if they had been glased; yet that night 
betimes they gott downe into the botome of the bay, and as 
they drue nere the shore they saw some 10. or 12. Indeans very 
busie aboute some thmg. They landed aboute a league or 2. 
from them, and had much a doe to put a shore any wher, it 
lay so full of flats. Bemg landed, it grew late, and they made 
them selves a barricade with loggs and bowes as well as they 


could in the time, and set out their sentenill and betooke them 
to rest, and saw the smoake of the fire the savages made that 
night. When morning was come they devided their company, 
some to coaste along the shore in the boate, and the rest 
marched throw the woods to see the land, if any fit place 
might be for their dwelling. They came allso to the place 
wher they saw the Indans the night before, and found they had 
been cuting up a great fish Uke a grampus, being some 2. inches 
thike of fate Uke a hogg, some peeces wher of they had left by 
the way; and the shallop found 2. more of these fishes dead on 
the sands, a thing usuall after storms in that place, by reason of 
the great flats of sand that lye of. So they ranged up and doune 
all that day, but found no people, nor any place they Uked. 
When the sime grue low, they hasted out of the woods to meete 
with their shallop, to whom they made signes to come to them 
into a creeke hardby, the which they did at highwater; of 
which they were very glad, for they had not seen each other 
all that day, since the morning. So they made them a barri- 
cado (as usually they did every night) with loggs, staks, and 
thike pine bowes, the height of a man, leaving it open to lee- 
ward, partly to shelter them from the could and wind (mak- 
ing their fire in the midle, and lying roimd aboute it), and 
partly to defend them from any sudden assaults of the sav- 
ags, if they should surroimd them.' So being very weary, 
they betooke them to rest. But aboute midnight, they heard 
a hideous and great crie, and their sentinell caled, "Arme, 
arme"; so they bestired them and stood to their armes, and 
ehote of a cupple of moskets, and then the noys seased. They 
concluded it was a companie of wolves, or such like willd 
beasts; for one of the sea men tould them he had often heard 
shuch a noyse in New-foimd land. So they rested till about 
5. of the clock in the morning; for the tide, and ther purposs 
to goe from thence, made them be stiring betimes. So after 
praier they prepared for breakfast, and it being day dawning, 

' Probably in or near Eastham, 


it was thought best to be earring things downs to the boats. 
But soms said it was not best to carrie the armss downs, others 
said they would be the readier, for they had laped them up 
in their coats from the dew. But some 3. or 4. would not cary 
theirs till thsy wents them selves, yet as it fell out, ths water 
being not high enough, they layed them downs on ths banks 
side, and came up to breakfast. But presently, all on the 
sudain, they heard a great and strange crie, which they knew 
to be the same voycss they heard in ths night, though thsy 
varisd thsir notes, and one of their company being abroad came 
runing in, and cried, "Men, Indsans, Indsans"; and withall, 
thsir arowss cams flying amongst thsm. Their men rane with 
all speed to recover thsir armes, as by ths good providence 
of God thsy did. In ths msan tims, of thoss that were ther 
ready, tow muskets were discharged at them, and 2. more stood 
ready in ths snterance of ther randevous, but wsrs -comanded 
not to shoots till thsy could take full aims at thsm ; and the 
othsr 2. chargsd agains with all spssd, for thsr wsrs only 4. had 
armss thsr, and defended the baricado which was first assalted. 
The crie of the Indeans was dreadfuU, sspstially whsn they 
saw thsr men rune out of the randevous towourds ths shal- 
lop, to rscover their armes, the Indsans whssling abouts upon 
thsm. But some running out with coats of malls on, and cut- 
lasses in thsir hands, thsy soone got their armes, and let flye 
amongs them, and quickly stopped thsir violsncs. Yst thsr was 
a lustis man, and no Isss valiants, stood behind a tree within 
halfe a musket shot, and 1st his arrows flie at them. He was 
seen shoot 3. arrowes, which were all avoyded. He stood 3. 
shot of a musket, till one taking full aims at him, and made 
the barke or spliaters of ths trss fly about his sars, after 
which he gave an extraordinary shrike, and away they wsnte 
all of them. They left some to keep the shalop, and followed 
them aboute a quarter of a mills, and shouted ones or twise, 
and shot of 2. or 3. pscss, and so rstumed. This they did, that 
they might conceive that they were not affrade of thsm or any 


way discouraged. Thus it pleased God to vanquish their eni- 
mies, and give them dehverance; and by his spetiall prov- 
idence so to dispose that not any one of them were either 
hurte, or hitt, though their arrows came close by them, and 
on every side them, and sundry of their coats, which hunge 
up in the barricado, were shot throw and throw. Aterwardsl 
they gave God soUamne thanks and praise for their deliverance, 
and gathered up a bimdle of their arrows, and sente them 
into England afterward by the m'' of the ship, and called 
that place the first encounter. From hence they departed, and 
costed all along, but discerned "no place likly for harbor; and 
therfore hasted to a place that their pillote, (one Mr. Coppin 
who had bine in the cuntrie before)^ did assure them was,a^ood 
harbor, which he had been in, and they might before 
night; of which they were glad, for it begane to be .foule 
weather. After some houres sailing, it begane to snow and 
raine, and about the midle of the afternoone, the wind in- 
creased, and the sea became very rough, and they broake their 
rudder, and it was as much as 2. men could doe to steere her 
with a cupple of oares. But their pillott bad them be of good 
cheere, for he saw the harbor; but the storme increasing, and 
night drawing on, they bore what saile they could to gett in, 
while they could see. But herwith they broake their mast in 
3. peeces, and their saill fell over bord, in a very grown sea, so 
as they had like to have been cast away; yet by God's mercie 
they recovered them selves, and having the floud with them, 
struck into the harbore. But when it came too, the pillott 
was deceived in the place, and said, the Lord be mercifull imto 
them, for his eys never saw that place before; and he and 
the m"" mate would have rune her ashore, in a cove full of 
breakers, before the winde. But a lusty seaman which steered, 
bad those which rowed, if they were men, about with her, or 
ells they were all cast away; the which they did with speed. 
So he bid them be of good cheere and row lustly, for ther was a 

' Robert Coppin was second mate of the Mayflower. 


faire sound before them, and he doubted not but they should 
find one place or other wher they might ride in saftie. And 
though it was very darke, and rained sore, yet in the end 
they gott imder the lee of a smalle iland, and remained ther 
all that night in saftie.' But they knew not this to be an iland 
till morning, but were devided in their minds; some would 
keepe the boate for fear they might be amongst the Indians; 
others were so weake and could, they could not endure, but got 
a shore, and with much adoe got fire, (all things being so wett,) 
and the rest were glad to come to them; for after midnight 
the wind shifted to the north-west, and it frose hard. But 
though this had been a day and night of much trouble and 
danger imto them, yet God gave them a morning of comforte 
and refreshing (as usually he doth to his children), for the 
next day was a faire sunshining day, and they found them 
sellvs to be on an iland secure from the Indeans, wher they 
might drie their stufe, fixe their peeces, and rest them selves, 
and gave God thanks for his mercies, in their manifould 
deliverances. And this being the last day of the weeke, 
they prepared ther to keepe the Sabath. On Munday they 
sounded the harbor, and founde it fitt for shipping; and 
marched into the land,^ and foimd diverse cornfeilds, and litle 
runing brooks, a place (as they supposed) fitt for situation; 
at least it was the best they could find, and the season, 
and their presente necessitie, made them glad to accepte 
of it. So they retm-ned to their shipp againe with this news 

' The rough sea and rain make it probable that the wind was east or east- 
southeast. In my judgment the shallop passed over a part of what is called 
Brown's Island, which, as Champlain's map made in 1605 shows, was a sand- 
bar exposed at low tide, and approached Saquish Cove, thence steering up the 
channel and anchoring for the night under the shelter of a little island. Sa- 
quish was at that time an island, as Champlain's map shows, and was probably 
the little island which sheltered the shallop from the easterly wind. The record 
states that during the night the wind changed to the northwest, and Clark's 
Island with its southerly aspect undoubtedly became the resting place of the 
shallop party until Monday the 11th. 

"The landing on Plymouth Rock of the shallop party, December 11, O.S., 
December 21, N. S., was the historic landing. 


to the rest of their people which did much comforte their 

On the 15. of Desem'': they wayed anchor to goe to the 
place they had discovered, and came within 2. leagues of it, 
but were faine to bear up againej but the 16. day the winde 
came faire, and they arrived safe in this harbor. And after 
wards tooke better view of the place, and resolved wher to 
pitch their dwelling; and the 25. day begane to erecte the first 
house for commone use to receive them and their goods.' 

' The site of the house is marked by a bronze tablet erected in 1898 by the 
Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

^ 9 0^ THE 2. BOOKE. 

The rest of this History (if God give me life, and oppor- 
tunitie) I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way of annalls, 
noteing only the heads of principall things, and passages as 
they fell in order of time, and may seeme to be profitable to 
know, or to make use of. And this may be as the 2. Booke. 

The remainder of An": 1620. 

I SHALL a htle returne backe and begine with a combina- 
tion' made by them before they came ashore, being the first 
foundation of their govermente in this place; occasioned 
partly by the discontented and mutinoiis speeches that some 
of the strangers amongst them had let fall from them in the 
ship — ^That when they came a shore they would use their owne 
libertie; for none had power to command them, the patents 
they had being for Virginia, and not for New-england, which 
belonged to an other Goverment, with which the Virginia 
Company had nothing to doe. And partly that shuch an acte 
by them done (this their condition considered) might be ^s 
firme as any patent, and in some respects more sure. / 

' Perhaps an undue significance has been attached to this combination or 
compact. The President and Council of New England, from whom the Pil- 
grims received their patent or grant, were authorized by their royal charter "to 
make, ordain and establish all manner of orders, laws, directions, instructions, 
forms and ceremonies of government and magistracy, fit and necessary for and 
concerning the government of the said colony and plantation." The patent 
issued to the Pilgrims by the Council, June 1, 1621, authorized them "to estab- 
lish such Lawes and ordynaunces as are for their better government, and the 
same by such OflScer or Officers as they shall by most voices elect and choose 
to put in execution." Thus the principle of the rule of the majority in the enact- 
ment of laws and the election of officers was recognized by both the patent and 
the royal charter. But landing outside the jurisdiction of the company which 
had granted the patent actually brought with them, they were obliged to assume, 
though on recognized principles, such authority as was needful. A similar 
course was afterward followed by the river towns of Connecticut, at New Haven, 
by the settlers at Dover and Exeter on the Piscataqua, at Providence and else- 


(T;^ /r ■f'^-'^ ^^^ ^-^^'' ^^^"' CO^Jvfic^ Co^/,Jcr,i]^.^,U 

^f «<xwt 0/ <f ci /f-«te-/i- /e»'/£e/^^<^7«K «r«r -Ovi^e.t-wrT-./cvi- 
•-Af^_y ^^^ «„/ "co^f^ff.^ 4 '"r.^.^i, fe .,'^^':r. J^Ufor^ ^-^'-r 

Pj-u-t that >i./ic,! >j»iis oios? j:a.cM Q_ ^oi-mt-n-faSfj^^ tvas '^''^^ '^'^ \ 


From the original Bradford manuscript in the Massachusetts State Library 


The forme was as foUoweth.' 


In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are under-writen, the 
loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by the grace 
of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, 
etc., haveing undertaken, for the glorie of God, and advancemente of the 
Christian faith, and honour of our king and countrie, a voyage to plant 
the first colonic in the Northeme parts of Virginia, doe by these presents 
solemnly and mutualy in the presence of God, and one of another, cove- 
nant and combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for our 
better ordering and preservation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; 
and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just and equall 
lawes, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as 
shall be thought most meete and convenient for the generall good of the 
Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In 
witnes wherof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap-Codd 
the 11. of November, in the year of the raigne of our soveraigne lord, 
King James, of England, France, and Ireland the eighteenth, and of 
Scotland the fiftie fourth. An°: Dom. 1620. 

After this they chose, or rather confirmed/ Mr. John 
Carver (a man godly and well approved amongst them) their 
Govemom* for that year. And after they had provided a place 
for their goods, or comone store, (which were long in unlading 
for want of boats, foulnes of winter weather, and sicknes of 
diverce,) and begune some small cottages for their habitation, 
as time would admitte, they mette and consulted of lawes 
and orders, both for their civill and miUtary Govermente, 
as the necessitie of their condition did require, still adding 
therunto as urgent occasion in severall times, and as eases 
did reqmre. 

In these hard and difficulte beginings they found some dis- 
contents and murmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous 
speeches and carriags in other; but they were soone quelled 
and overcome by the wisdome, patience, and just and equall 

'See the -fac-simile. 

' John Carver had been informally appointed governor of the Mayflower 
when she sailed from England, so that his formal election by the company after 
the compact was signed is called confirmation. 


carrage of things by the Gov'' and better part, which clave 
faithfully togeather in the maine. But that which was most 
sadd and lamentable was, that in 2. or 3. moneths time halfe 
of their company dyed, espetialy in Jan: and February, being 
the depth of winter, and wanting houses and other comforts; 
being infected with the scurvie and other diseases, which this 
long vioage and their inacomodate condition had brought upon 
them; so as ther dyed some times 2. or 3. of a day, in the fore- 
said time; that of 100. and odd persons, scarce 50. remained.' 
And of these in the time of most distres, ther was but 6. or 7. 
sound persons, who, to their great comendations be it spoken, 
spared no pains, night nor day, but with abimdance of toyle 
and hazard of their owne health, fetched them woode, made 
them fires, drest them meat, made their beads, washed their 
lothsome cloaths, cloathed and uncloathed them; in a word, 
did all the homly and necessarie offices for them which dainty 
and quesie stomacks cannot endure to hear named; and all 
this willingly and cherfuUy, without any grudging in the least, 
shewin g herein their truelove unto their frginds and bretheren. 
lArare example and woraTy to be remembre^. Tow of these 
7. wefe~MrrWilUamBrewster, ther reverend Elder, and Myles 
Standish, ther Captein and mihtary comander, unto whom 
my selfe, and many others, were much beholden in our low and 
sicke condition. :4^d yet_the_ Lord so upheld these persons, 
as in tMs_.geiieraJlcalaniity they were not at aiTuifBcted* either 
with sicknes, or lanmes. ~"ajTa~wBan~Have said of these, I 
may say'or^Sinjrgttfers who dyed in this generall vissitation, 
and others- yet hving, that whilst they had health, yea, or any 
strength continuing, they were not wanting to any that had 

need ofjthem. And I doutejiot but their recompence is with 

the Lord. ~' — .— -- . — — ""^ 

But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable passage 
not to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell among the pas- 
sengers that were to be left here to plant, and were hasted a 

' The sickness was perhaps typhus or ship fever. 


shore and made to drinke water, that the sea-men might have 
the more bear/ and one in his sicknes desiring but a small 
cann of beere, it was answered, that if he were their owne 
father he should have none ; the disease begane to fall amongst 
them also, so as allmost halfe of their company dyed before 
they went away, and many of their officers and lustyest men, 
as the boatson, gunner, 3. quarter-maisters, the cooke, and 
others. At which the m"^ was something strucken and sent 
to the sick a shore and tould the Gov'' he should send for 
beer for them that had need of it, though he drunke water 
homward boxmd. But now amongst his company ther was 
farr another kind of carriage in this miserie then amongst the 
passengers; for they that before had been boone companions 
in drinking and joyllity in the time of their health and well- 
fare, begane now to deserte one another in this calamitie, 
saing they would not hasard ther fives for them, they should 
be infected by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after 
they came to dye by it, would doe fitle or nothing for them, 
but if they dyed let them dye. But shuch of the passengers 
as were yet abord shewed them what mercy they could, which 
made some of their harts relente, as the boatson (and some 
others), who was a prowd yonge man, and would often curse 
and scofe at the passengers; but when he grew weak, they had 
compassion on him and helped him; then he confessed he did 
not deserve it at their hands, he had abused them in word 
and deed. 0! saith he, you, I now see, shew your love fike 
Christians indeed one to another, but we let one another lye 
and dye like doggs. Another lay cursing his wife, saing if it 
had not ben for her he had never come this imlucky viage, 
and anone cxirsing his felows, saing he had done this and that, 
for some of them, he had spente so much, and so much, amongst 
them, and they were now weary of him, and did not help him, 
having need. Another gave his companion aU he had, if he 
died, to help him in his weaknes; he went and got a fitle spise 

» " Which was this author him selfe." (Br.) 


and made him a mess of meat once or twise, and because he 
dyed not so soone as he expected, he went amongst his fellows, 
and swore the rogue would cousen him, he would see him 
choaked before he made him any more meate; and yet the 
pore fellow dyed before morning. 

All this while the Indians came skulking about them, and 
would sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but when any 
aproached near them, they would rune away. And once they 
stoale away their tools wher they had been at worke, and 
were gone to diner. But about the 16. of March a certains 
Indian came bouldly amongst them, and spoke to them in 
broken EngUsh, which they could well imderstand, but mar- 
velled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, 
that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastrene 
parts, wher some EngUsh-ships came to fhish, with whom 
he was aquainted, and could name sundrie of them by 
their names, amongst whom he had gott his language. He 
became proftable to them in aquainting them with many 
things concerning the state of the cimtry in the east-parts 
wher he Uved, which was afterwards profitable unto them; as 
also of the people hear, of their names, number, and strength; 
of their situation and distance from this place, and who was 
cheefe amongst them. His name was Samaset;' he tould them 
also of another Indian whos name was Squanto,^ a native of 
this place, who had been in England and could speake better 
EngUsh then him selfe. Being, after some time of entertain- 
mente and gifts, dismist, a while after he came againe, and 5. 
more with him, and they bro&ght againe all the tooles that 
were stolen away before, and made way for the coming of their 
great Sachem, called Massasoyt; who, about 4. or 5. days 

* Samoset was a sagamore from Monhegan in Maine, and probably came 
to this region with Thomas Dermer and had not returned home. After his 
return to Maine he sold by deed in 1625 to John Brown of New Harbor twelve 
thousand acres of land for fifty beaver skins. 

^ Squanto, or Tisquantum, was of much use to the Pilgrims as guide and 
interpreter. He died in Chatham in November, 1622. His eventful story is 
fully told in C. F. Adams's Three Episodes of Massachmetts History, pp. 23-44 


after, came with the cheefe of his freinds and other attend- 
ance, with the aforesaid Squanto. With whom, after frendly 
entertainment, and some gifts given him, they made a peace 
with him (which hath now continued this. 24. years)' in these 

1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or doe 
hurte to any of their peopl. 

2. That if any of his did any hurte to any of theirs, he 
should send the offender, that they might punish him. 

3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, 
he should cause it to be restored; and they should doe the 
like to his. 

4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would aide 
him; if any did warr against them, he should aide them. 

5. He should send to his neighbours confederats, to 
certifie them of this, that they might not wrong them, but 
might be likewise comprised in the conditions of peace. 

6. That when ther men came to them, they should leave 
their bows and arrows behind them. 

After these things he returned to his place caled Sowams,' 
some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto continued with 
them, and was their interpreter, and was a spetiall instrument 
sent of God for their good beyond their expectation. He 
directed them how to set their corne, wher to take fish, and to 
procure other comodities, and was also their pilott to bring 
them to unknowne places for their profitt, and never left them 
till he dyed. He was a native- of this place, and scarce any left 
aUve besids him selfe. He was caried away with diverce others 
by one Hunt,' a m"" of a ship, who thought to sell them for 

' It continued more than 50 years. 

' On the present site of Warren, R. I. 

' Thomas Hunt, captain of one of the ships in John Smith s expedition to 
New England in 1614, captured twenty of the Patuxet Indians and seven Nausets 
and carried them to Malaga, where he sold them. The friars caused them to 
be released and Squanto found his way to England, where he was a servant of 
Mr. John Slanie, a merchant of London. Before the return of Squanto to New 
England the Patuxet tribe had been swept away by disease. 


slaves in Spaine; but he got away for England, and was 
entertained by a marchante in London, and imployed to 
New-foundland and other parts, and lastly brought hither into 
these parts by one Mr. Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by 
Sr. Ferdinando Gorges and others, for discovery, and other 
designes in these parts. Of whom I shall say some thing, be- 
cause it is mentioned in a booke set forth An°: 1622. by the 
Presidente and Counsell for New-England,' that he made the 
peace betweene the salvages of these parts and the English; 
of which this plantation, as it is intimated, had the benefits. 
But what a peace it was, may apeare by what befell him and 
his men. 

This Mr. Dermer was hear the same year that these people 
came, as apears by a relation written by him, and given me by 
a freind, bearing date Jvine 30. An°: 1620. And they came in 
Novemb'': following, so ther was but 4. months differance. 
In which relation to his honored freind, he hath these passages 
of this very place. 

I will first begine (saith he) with that place from whence Squanto, 
or Tisquantem, was taken away; which in Cap: Smiths mape is called 
Plimoth:^ and I would that Plimoth had the like comodities. I would 
that the first plantation might hear be seated, if ther come to the number 
of 50. persons, or upward. Otherwise at Charlton, because ther the 
savages are lese to be feared. The Pocanawkits,^ which live to the west 
of Plimoth, bear an inveterate malice to the English, and are of more 
streingth then all the savags from thence to Penobscote. Their desire 
of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having many of them 

' "Page 19." (Br.) The reference is to A brief e Relation of the Discovery 
and Plantation of New England (London, 1622), reprinted in 1890 by the Prince 
Society in the first of its volumes on Gorges. See p. 221 of that volume. 

*See the fac-simile in this volume. In the later "states" of the map after 
the settlement, the name appears as New Plymouth. The adoption of the name 
by the Pilgrims was due to the nomenclature of Smith's map. Most of 
Smith's names for town-sites were not retained by the actual settlers. "Charl- 
ton," indeed, mentioned in the text above, lies not far from where Chariestown 
was actually established in 1630; but that name does not appear on the map 
till its later states. 

^Pokanoket included what are now Bristol and Barrington in Rhode Island 
and parts of Swansea and Seekonk in Massachusetts. 


on bord, made a great slaughter with their murderers and smale shot, 
when as (they say) they offered no injurie on their parts. Whether they 
were English or no, it may be douted; yet they beleeve they were, for the 
Frenche have so possest them; for which cause Squanto cannot deney 
but they would have kiled me when I was at Namasket,* had he not en- 
treated hard for me. The soyle of the borders of this great bay, may be 
compared to most of the plantations which I have seene in Virginia. The 
land is of diverce sorts ; for Patuxite is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawset 
and Saughtughtett are for the most part a blakish and deep mould, much 
like that wher groweth the best Tobacco in Virginia. In the botume of 
that great bay is store of Codd and basse, or mulett, etc. 

But above all he comends Pacanawkite for the richest 
soyle, and much open ground fitt for English graine, etc. 

Massachussets ^ is about 9. leagues from Plimoth, and situate in 
the mids betweene both, is full of Hands and peninsules very fertill for the 
most parte. 

With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to transcribe, 
being now better knowne then they were to him. 

t~ He was taken prisoner by the Indeans at Manamoiak' (a 
place not farr from hence, now well knowne). He gave them 
what they demanded for his Hberty, but when they had gott 
what they desired, they kept him still and indevored to kill 
his men; but he was freed by seasing on some of them, and 
kept them bound till they gave him a cannows load of corne. 
Of which, see Purch : hb. 9. fol. 1778.' But this was An° : 1619. 
After the writing of the former relation he came to the He 
of Capawack ' (which lyes south of this place in the way to 
Virginia), and the foresaid Squanto with him, wher he going a 
shore amongst the Indans to trad, as he used to doe, was be- 
trayed and assaulted by them, and all his men slaine, but one 

' Nemasket was in Middleborough, Patuxet in Plymouth, Nauset in East- 
ham, and Satucket in Brewster. 

' Meaning Boston harbor. ' Chatham, on Cape Cod. 

* The reference is to Samuel Purchas's Pilgrimes (London, 1625), vol. IV., 
fol. 1778, where a letter of Dermer's is printed, which he wrote to Purchas from 
Virginia, in December, 1619, recounting this and other adventures. 

" Martha's Vineyard. 


lournall of the beginning and proceedings 

of the Endifti Vhtitmonkthdatflmoth in N fi w 
England; by certaine EngliQi AduentHrersboth .. 
Msrcihants and others. - ' 

With their,theirrafeanuall, their 
ioyfullbuildingbf, and comfortable plannngthefti- 
felucs ia the now well defended Towne 
~ ' of New PtiMOTH. 


feuerall difcoueries fince made by fomc of the 

fame Englifti Planters tbere refident. • 

/ lis a ioUrHey f o P v c k a n o k i c K t^f hditation of thelndutatt greti' • 
ittjiting Malfafoyt : at alfi their mcftge, thf aufwer and e}ittrtai>iment, 

thej kadof him. . ,. t av» r r- > 


ttiejthatbadhflhimfelfeintheyi'oodt : xvithfmh accidents as kifdthetTL, ■ 

i» that vty age.. : r t • 

J IT. Intheiriouruej tefhe Kiitgdonte fl/Namafchetj a-, defence of theif 
greatefi King MiffaCoyt,-agai>7J} the Narrohiggonfets, ^ftdtoreuengethf 
fuppofeddeath of theif ItiterpreterTJfqnziumn. , • 

' ' nil, Iheirvoya^eto the MaiXich\irctSya>idtheir- etitertaifimefittbere^,.^ 

j^ithan'anfwerto all fucbobieaionsasare any way made. 
' againfttheiavv'fuineire of Englifli plantations ■ 

-^.^1 ^■' -T :.> ^ in.tliofeparts. . 

■K^ ■ LONBO-N,-' ^ 

Printed for hhn Mmie, and are to be fold at his fltopat the tW<S < 

' "; ettyhomidsinCoriAiUneereck'KcryallHxchangc. i^n-' />-.■■' ^ 


From a copy of the original edition in the Xew York Public Library 
(Lenox Building) 


yea from their youth. Many other smaler maters I omite, 
sundrie of them having been alheady pubhshed in a Jumall 
made by one of the company;' and some other passages of 
jurneys and relations allredy pubhshed, to which I referr 
those that are wilhng to know them more perticulerly. And 
being now come to the 25. of March I shall begine the year 

Anno. 1621. 

They now begane to dispatch the ship away which brought 
them over, which lay tille aboute this time, or the begining of 
Aprill. The reason on their parts why she stayed so long, was 
the necessitie and danger that lay upon them, for it was well 
towards the ende of Desember before she could land any thing 
hear, or they able to receive any thing ashore. Afterwards, 
the 14. of Jan: the hoiose which they had made for a generall 
randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were faine to retire 
abord for shilter. Then the sicknes begane to fall sore amongst 
them, and the weather so bad as they could not make much 
sooner any dispatch. Againe, the Gov"" and cheefe of them, 
seeing so many dye, and fall downe sick dayly, thought it 
it no wisdom to send away the ship, their condition considered, 
and the danger they stood in from the Indeans, till they 
could procure some shelter; and therfore thought it better to 
draw some more charge upon them selves and freinds, then 
hazard all. The m"^ and sea-men hkewise, though before 
they hasted the passengers a shore to be goone, now many of 
their men being dead, and of the ablest of them, (as is before 
noted,) and of the rest many lay sick and weake, the m"' 
durst not put to sea, till he saw his men begine to recover, 
and the hart of winter over. 

Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to plant 
ther come, in which servise Squanto stood them in great stead, 
showing them both the maner how to set it, and after how to 

' The journal referred to is that in "Mourt's Relation." See the editor's In- 
troduction and the fac-simile of the title-page. ' See p. 56, note 3. 


dress and tend it. Also he tould them excepte they gott fish 
and set with it (in these old grounds)' it would come to nothing, 
and he showed them that in the midle of Aprill they should 
have store enough come up the brooke, by which they begane 
to build, and taught them how to take it, and wher to get other 
provissions necessary foLthem; all which they found true by 
triall and experience. / Some EngKsh seed they sew, as wheat 
p~ '^nd pease, but it came not to good, eather by the badnes 
of the seed, or latenes of the season, or both, or some other 

In this month of Aprill whilst they were bussie about their 
seed, their Gov"" (Mr. John Carver) came out of the feild very 
sick, it being a hott day; he complained greatly of his head, 
and lay downe, and within a few howers his sences failed, so 
as he never spake more till he dyed, which was within a few 
days after. Whoss death was much lamented, and caused 
great heavines amongst them, as ther was cause. He was 
buried in the best maner they could, with some volhes of shott 
by all that bore armes; and his wife, being a weak woman, 
dyed within 5. or 6. weeks aiterjaim^ V- T" - ' ^'^ ^* Jr^^ " *' 

Shortly afteS^^^WilHam Bfadford ^as chosen Gove"" in his 
stead, and being nofyet recoverd of his ilnes, in which he 
had been near the point of death, Isaak AUerton was chosen 
to be an Asistante unto him, who, by renewed election every 
year, continued sundry years togeather, whichllliear note 
once for all. W i 

May 12. was the first mariage in this place,^ which/apcord- 
ing to the laudable custome of the Low-Cuntries, in wljidn they 
had lived, was thought most requisite to be perferfiied by the 
magistrate, as being a civill thing, upon which many questions 
aboute inheritances doe depende, with other things most proper 
to their cognizans, and most consonante to the scripturs, Ruth 

' I. e., where the Indians had been accustomed to plant. 

' This was the marriage of Edward Winslow, whose wife had died March 
24, 1620/1, with Susanna White, whose husband, William White, had died 
February 21, 1620/1. ( ^ r " U '' 


4. and no wher found in the gospell to be layed on the ministers 
as a part of their office. "This decree or law about mariage 
was pubHshed by the Stats of the Low-Cuntries An°: 1590. 
That those of any rehgion, after lawfull and open publication, 
coming before the magistrats, in the Town or Stat-house, were 
to be orderly (by them) maried one to another." Petets Hist, 
fol : 1029.* And this practiss hath continued amongst, not only 
them, but hath been followed by all the famous churches 
of Christ in these parts to this time,— An°: 1646. 

Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at home, it 
was thought meete to send some abroad to see their new freind 
Massasoyet,^ and to bestow upon him some gratuitie to bind 
him the faster unto them; as also that hearby they might veiw 
the countrie, and see in what maner he hved, what strength 
he had aboute him, and how the ways were to his place, if at 
any time they should have occasion. So the 2. of July they 
sente Mr. Edward Winslow^ and Mr. Hopkins, with the foresaid 

' J. F. le Petit, La Grande Chronique Ancienne et Moderne de Hollande, 
Zeelande, etc. (Dordrecht, 1601). The province of Holland had established civil 
marriage in 1680. 

"For an account of the visit to Massasoit, see "Mourt's Relation" in Dex- 
ter's reprint, or Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, pp. 462-473. 

' Edward Winslow was born in Droitwich, Worcestershire, October 19, 
1595. He joined the Pilgrim company in Leyden in 1617. While there he 
engaged in the business of a printer, and married in 1618 Elizabeth Barker of 
Chester, England. He came with his wife in the Mayflower to Plymouth,' where 
she died March 24, 1620/1. On May 12, 1621, he married Susanna, widow of 
William White. In 1623 he went to England as the agent of the colony, and 
returned in the Charity in 1624, bringing the first cattle introduced into the 
colony. While in England he published a book entitled Good News from New 
England (London, 1624). In 1633 he was chosen governor of the colony. He 
visited England again in 1634 and was imprisoned in the Fleet prison; see p. 316. 
He was again governor in 1636 and 1644. In 1646 he went to England for the 
fourth time and did not return. At that visit through his influence the Society 
for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Indians, which is still in existence, 
was established, in 1649. He published Hypocrisie Unmasked (London, 1646), 
and the next year published New England's Salamander. In the appendix of 
Hypocrisie Unmasked he gave an accoimt of the farewell discourse of Robinson 
concerning new light, which has been much discussed. He was intimate with 
Cromwell, who consulted him about colonial affairs and issued to him various 
commissions, in the execution of one of which, for the settlement of Jamaica, 


Squanto for ther guid, who gave him a suite of cloaths, and a 
horsemans coate, with some other small things, which were 
kindly accepted; but they found but short commons, and came 
both weary and hungrie home. For the Indeans used then to 
have nothing so much come as they have since the English 
have stored them with their hows,' and seene their industrie in 
breaking up new groimds therwith. They found his place to 
be 40. miles from hence, the soyle good, and the people not 
many, being dead and abimdantly wasted in the late great 
mortahtie which fell in all these parts aboute three years 
before the coming of the EngUsh,^ wherin thousands of them 
dyed, they not being able to burie one another; ther sculs and 
bones were foimd in many places lying still above ground, 
where their houses and dwelHngs had been; a very sad 
spectackle to behould. But they brought word that the 
Narighansets Uved but on the other side of that great bay, 
and were a strong people, and many in number, living com- 
pacte togeather, and had not been at all touched with this 
wasting plague. 

Aboute the later end of this month, one John Billington 
lost him selfe in the woods, and wandered up and downe some 
5. days, hving on beries and what he could find. At length he 
light on an Indean plantation, 20. mils south of this place, 
called Manamet, they conveid him fm-der of, to Nawsett, 
among those peopl that had before set upon the English 
when they were costing, whilest the ship lay at the Cape, as 
is before noted. But the Gove'' caused him to be enquired 
for among the Indeans, and at length Massassoyt sent word 
wher he was, and the Gove'' sent a shalop for him, and had 

he died at sea May 8, 1655. One of these commissions, a parchment containing 
a portrait of Cromwell, is preserved in Pilgrim Hall in Plymouth. In 1651, 
while in London, a portrait of Winslow was painted, probably by Robert Walker, 
Cromwell's court painter; this is also in Pilgrim Hall, together with portraits of 
his son Josiah and wife, painted presumably by the same artist. 

' Hoes. 

' The nature of the great pestilence which fell on the Massachusetts is not 
certain. It raged throughout the years 1616 and 1617. 


him delivered. Those people also came and made their 
peace; and they gave full satisfaction to those whose come 
they had found and taken when they were at Cap- 

Thus ther peace and aquaintance was prety well estab- 
Usht with the natives aboute them; and ther was an other 
Indean called Hobamack* come to Uve amongst them, a proper 
lustie man, and a man of accounte for his vallour and parts 
amongst the Indeans, and continued very faithfuU and con- 
stant to the Enghsh till he dyed. He and Squanto being gone 
upon bussines amonge the Indeans, at their rettUTie (whether 
it was out of envie to them or mahce to the Enghsh) ther was 
a Sachem called Corbitant, alyed to Massassoyte, but never 
any good freind to the Enghsh to this day, mett with them at 
an Indean towne caled Namassakett' 14. miles to the west of 
this place, and begane to quarell with them, and offered to 
stabe Hobamack ; but being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe 
of him, and came running away all sweating and tould the 
Gov*" what had befalne him, and he feared they had killed 
Squanto, for they threatened them both, and for no other 
cause but because they were freinds to the Enghsh, and servis- 
able unto them, jjpon this the Gove'' taking counsel l, it was 
conceivd not fitt-tQ-b£J)ome; for if they should suffer their 
fi^emds^an' ^^i^essenge rg.^fflLis to be wronged, they should have 
Tione wwild^leave unto them, or give them any intehgence, or 
doe them serviss afterwards; but nexte they would fall upon 
them selves. Whereupon it was resolved to send the Captaine 
and 14. men well armed, and to goe and fall upon them in the 
night; and if they found that Squanto was kild, to cut of 
Corbitants head, but not to hurt any but those that had a 
hand in it. Hobamack was asked if he would goe and be their 
guid, and bring them ther before day. He said he would, and 

'Hobomok was one of the captains and counsellors of Massasoit. He 
early attached himself to the Pilgrims, whom he faithfully served until his death 
in old age. In the division of lands in 1624 a parcel was set to him which was 
known as "Hobomok's Ground." > Middleborough. 


bring them to the house wher the man lay, and show them 
which was he. So they set forth the 14. of August, and beset 
the house round ; the Captin giving charg to let none pass out, 
entred the house to search for him. But he was goone away 
that day, so they mist him; but imderstood that Squanto was 
ahve, and that he had only threatened to kill him, and made 
an offer to stabe him but did not. So they withheld and did 
no more hurte, and the people came trembling, and brought 
them the best provissions they had, after they were aquainted 
by Hobamack what was only intended. Ther was 3. sore 
wounded which broak out of the house, and asaid to pass 
through the garde. These they brought home with them, and 
they had their wounds drest and cured, and sente home. After 
this they had many gratulations from diverce sachims, and 
much firmer peace ; yea, those of the lies of Capawack sent to 
make frendship; and this Corbitant him selfe used the medi- 
ation of Massassoyte to make his peace, but was shie to come 
neare them a longe while after. 

After this, the 18. of Sepemb'': they sente out ther shalop 
to the Massachusets, with 10. men, and Squanto for their guid 
and interpreter, to discover and veiw that bay, and trade with 
the natives; the which they performed, and found kind enter- 
tainement. The people were much affraid of the Tarentins,* 
a people to the eastward which used to come in harvest time 
and take away their come, and many times kill their persons. 
They returned in saftie, and brought home a good quanty of 
beaver, and made reporte of the place, wishing they had been 
ther seated; (but it seems the Lord, who assignes to all men 
the bounds of their habitations, had apoyiited it for an other 
use). And thus they found the Lord to be with them in all 
their ways, and to blesse their outgoings and incommings, 
for which let his holy name have the praise for ever, to all 

• The Tarentins or Tarrantines were a fierce body of Indians living along 
the coast of Maine, who made bloody attacks on the weaker tribes. 


They begane now to gather in the small harvest they had, 
and to fitte up their houses and dwelhngs against winter, being 
all well recovered in health and strenght, and had all things 
in good plenty; for as some were thus imployed in affairs 
abroad, others were excersised in fishing, aboute codd, and 
bass, and other fish, of which they tooke good store, of which 
every family had their portion. All the sommer ther was no 
wante. And now begane to come in store of foule, as winter 
aproached, of which this place did abound when they came 
first (but afterward decreased by degrees). And besids water 
foule, ther was great store of wild Turkies, of which they tooke 
many, besids venison, etc. Besids they had aboute a peck a 
meale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest, Indean come 
to that proportion. Which made^^manj- afterwards write so 
la^gly of their plenty^ear_to^their,£reinds ia„England, which 
were"irot fained^..but true reports. 

In Novemb"", about that time twelfe month that them 
selves came, ther came in a small ship to them unexpected or 
loked for,^ in which came Mr. Cushman (so much spoken of 
before) and with him 35. persons^ to remaine and Hve in the 
plantation; which did not a litle rejoyce them. And they 
when they came a shore and found all well, and saw plenty of 
vitails in every house, were no less glade. For most of them 
were liisty yonge men, and many of them wild enough, who litle 
considered whither or aboute what they wente, till they came 
into the harbore at Cap-Codd, and ther saw nothing but a naked 
and barren place. They then begane to thinke what should 
become of them, if the people here were dead or cut of by the 
Indeans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches that 
some of the sea-men had cast out) to take the sayls from the 
yeard least the ship should gett away and leave them ther. 
But the m'' hereing of it, gave them good words, and tould them 

' "She came the 9. to the Cap." (Br.) 

' For the list of passengers in the Fortune, see Davis's Ancient Landmarks 
o/ Plymouth, part i., page 51. The Fortune was of 56 tons. 


if any thing but well should have befalhie the people hear, he 
hoped he had vitails enough to cary them to Virginia, and 
whilst he had a bitt they should have their parte; which gave 
them good satisfaction. So they were all landed ; but ther was 
not so much as bisket-cake or any other victialls' for them, 
neither had they any beding, but some sory things they had 
in their cabins, nor pot, nor pan, to drese any meate in; nor 
overmany cloaths, for many of them had brusht away their 
coats and cloaks at PUmoth as they came. But ther was sent 
over some burching-lane^ suits in the ship, out of which they 
were suppUed. The plantation was glad of this addition of 
strenght, but could have wished that many of them had been 
of beter condition, and all of them beter furnished with pro- 
Adssions; but that could not now be helpte. 

In this ship Mr. Weston sent a large leter to Mr. Carver, the 
late Gove'', now deseased, full of complaints and expostula- 
tions aboute former passagess at Hampton; and the keeping 
the shipe so long in the country, and returning her without lad- 
ing, etc., which for brevitie I omite. The rest is as foUoweth: 

Part of Mr. Westons letter. 

I durst never aquainte the adventurers with the alteration of the 
conditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since been very glad 
of, for I am well assured had they knowne as much as I doe, they would 
not have adventured a halfe-peny of what was necesary for this ship. 
That you sent no lading in the ship is wonderfull, and worthily distasted. 
I know you' weaknes was the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of 
judgmente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of the time you spente 
in discoursing, arguing, and consulting, would have done much more; 
but that is past, etc. If you mean, bona fide, to performe the conditions 
agreed upon, doe us the favore to coppy them out f aire, and subscribe them 
with the principall of your names. And likwise give us accounte as per- 
ticulerly as you can how our moneys were laid out. And then I shall be 
able to give them some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed with good 
words to shift of. And consider that the life of the bussines depends on 
' "Nay, they were faine to spare the shipe some to carry her home." (Br.) 
* Birchen or Birchover Lane in London was a headquarters of the sellers 
of clothing. 


the lading of this ship, which, if you doe to any good purpose, that I may 
be freed from the great siuns I have disbursed for the former, and must 
doe for the later, / promise you I will never quit the bussines, though all 
the other adventurers should. 

We have procured you a Charter,' the best we could, which is beter 
then your former, and with less limitation. For any thing that is els worth 
writting, Mr. Cushman can informe you. I pray write instantly for Mr. 
Robinson to come to you. And so praying God to blesse you with all 
graces nessessary both for this life and that to come, I rest 

Your very loving frend, 

Tho. Weston. 

London, July 6. 1621. 

This ship (caled the Fortune) was speedily dispatcht away, 
being laden with good clapbord as full as she could stowe, and 
2. hoggsheads of beaver and otter skins, which they gott with 
a few trifling comodities brought with them at first, being al- 
togeather unprovided for trade ; neither was ther any amongst 
them that ever saw a beaver skin till they came hear, and were 
informed by Squanto. The fraight was estimated to be worth 
near 500li. Mr. Cushman returned backe also with this ship, 
for so Mr. Weston and the rest had apoynted him, for then- 
better information. And he doubted not, nor them selves 
neither, but they should have a speedy supply; considering 
allso how by Mr, Cushmans perswation,^ and letters received 
from Leyden, wherin they willed them so to doe, they yeel[d]ed 
to the afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with their 
hands. But it proved other wise, for Mr. Weston, who had 
made that large promise in his leter, (as is before noted,) that 
if all the rest should fall of, yet he would never quit the bussines, 

' This patent from the President and Council of New England, dated June 
1, 1621, was issued to John Pierce and his associates and was brought over in 
the Fortune in November, 1621. The patent which the Pilgrims brought with 
them from the (southern) Virginia Company was surrendered. That of 1621 
is preserved in Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth. For its text, see Ancient Landmarks of 
Plymouth, part i., page 40. 

' Cushman came over probably as the agent of the London merchants to 
obtain the execution of the contract, which had never been signed. The address 
which he delivered in the common house, and which has been called a sermon, 
was a speech to induce the colonists to sign the contract. 


but stick to them, if they yeelded to the conditions, and sente 
some lading in the ship ; and of this Mr. Cushman was confident, 
and confirmed the same from his mouth, and serious protesta- 
tions to him selfe before he came. But ^proved but wind, 
for he was the firsiMd pnly manthMiprsooke;^^^^ and-fcfrat 
before he so much^ash^rd of tlie returne of this ship, oFEnew 
whHI^lSoSeXlio^^ne^^ But of 

this more in its place. '"""' ^ """ 

A leter in answer to his write to Mr. Carver, was sente to 
him from the Gov"", of which so much as is pertenente to the 
thing in hand I shall hear inserte. 

Sr:. Your large letter writen to Mr. Carver, and dated the 6. of July, 
1621, 1 have received the 10. of Novemb'', wherin (after the apologie made 
for your selfe) you lay many heavie imputations upon him and us all. 
Touching him, he is departed this life, and now is at rest in the Lord from 
all those troubls and incoumbrances with which we are yet to strive. He 
needs not my appologie; for his care and pains was so great for the 
commone good, both ours and yours, as that therwith (it is thought) he 
oppressed him selfe and shortened his days; of whose loss we cannot 
sufficiently complaine. At great charges in this adventure, I confess you 
have beene, and many losses may sustaine; but the loss of his and many 
other honest and industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed at any prise. 
Of the one, ther may be hope of recovery, but the other no recompence 
can make good. But I will not insiste in generalls, but come more per- 
ticulerly to the things them selves. You greatly blame us for keping the 
ship so long in the countrie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay 
5. weks at Cap-Codd, whilst with many a weary step (after a long journey) 
and the indurance of many a hard brunte, we sought out in the f oule winter 
a place of habitation. Then we went in so tedious a time to make pro- 
vission to sheelter us and our goods, abo.ute which labour, many of our 
armes and leggs can tell us to this day we were not necligent. But it 
pleased God to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with so generall a 
disease, that the living were scarce able to burie the dead; and the well 
not in any measure sufficiente to tend the sick. And now to be so greatly 
blamed, for not fraighting the ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much 
discourage us. But you say you know we will pretend weaknes; and doe 
you think we had not cause ? Yes, you tell us you beleeve it, but it was 
more weaknes of judgmente, then of hands. Our weaknes herin is great 


we confess, therfore we will bear this check patiently amongst the rest, 
till God send us wiser men. But they which tould you we spent so much 
time in discoursing and consulting, etc., their harts can tell their toungs, 
they lye. They cared not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they 
wounded others. Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are (beyound ex- 
pectation) yoked with some ill conditioned people, who will never doe 
good, but corrupte and abuse others, etc. 

The rest of the letter declared how they had subscribed 
those conditions according to his desire, and sente him the 
former accounts very perticulerly ; also how the ship was laden, 
and in what condition their affairs stood; that the coming of 
these people would bring famine upon them unavoydably, if 
they had not supply in time (as Mr. Cushman could more fully 
informe him and the rest of the adventurers). Also that see- 
ing he was now satisfied in all his demands, that offences would 
be forgoten, and he remember his promise, etc. 

After the depart\u"e of this ship, (which stayed not above 
14. days,) the Gove'' and his assistante haveing disposed 
these late commers into severall families, as they best could, 
tooke an exacte accounte of all their provissions in store, 
and proportioned the same to the number of persons, and 
found that it would not hould out above 6. months at halfe 
alowance, and hardly that. And they could not well give 
less this winter time till fish came in againe. So they were 
presently put to half alowance, one as well as an other, which 
begane to be hard, but they bore it patiently under hope of 

Soone after this ships departure, the great people of the 
Narigansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger tmto them 
with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with a. great sneak-skine ; 
which their interpretours tould them was a threatening and 
a chaleng. Upon which the Gov'', with the advice of others 
sente them a roxmd answere, that if they had rather have 
warre then peace, they might begine when they would; 
they had done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, or 
should they find them improvided. And by another mes- 


senger sente the sneake-skine back with bulits in it; but they 
would not receive it, but sent it back againe. But these things 
I doe but mention, because they are more at large aUready put 
forth in printe,' by Mr. Wuislow, at the requeste of some freinds. 
And it is Uke the reason was their owne ambition, who, (since 
the death of so many of the Indeans,) thought to dominire 
and lord it over the rest, and conceived the English would be 
a barr in their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheilter 
alh-eady under their wings. 

But this made them the more carefully to looke to them 
selves, so as they agreed to inclose their dwellings with a 
good strong pale, and make flankers in convenient places, with 
gates to shute, which were every night locked, and a watch 
kept and when neede required ther was also warding in the 
day time. And the company was by the Captaine and the 
Gov"" advise, devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had 
ther quarter apoynted them, xmto which they were to repaire 
upon any suddane alarme. And if ther should be any crie 
of fire, a company were appointed for a gard, with muskets, 
whilst others quenchet the same, to prevent Indean treachery. 
This was accompUshed very cherfully, and the towne impayled 
round by the begining- of March, in which evry family had a 
prety garden plote secured. And herewith I shall end this 
year. Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of 
mirth then of waight. One the day called Chrismasday, the 
Gov'' caled them out to worke, (as was used,) but the most 
of this new-company excused them selves and said it wente 
against their consciences to work on that day. So the Gov' 
tould them that if they made it mater of conscience, he would 
spare them till they were better informed. So he led-away 
the rest and left them ; but when they came home at noone from 
their worke, he foimd them in the streete at play, openly ; some 
pitching the barr and some at stoole-ball,^ and shuch like sports. 

' In Good News from New England (London, 1624). " 
' A play in which balls were driven from stool to stool. 


So he went to them, and tooke away their implements, and 
toiild them that was against his conscience, that they should 
play and others worke. If they made the keeping of it mater of 
devotion, let them kepe their houses, but ther should be no 
gameing or revelHng in the streets. Since which time nothing 
hath been atempted that way, at least openly. 

Anno 1622. 

At the spring of the year they -had apointed the Massa- 
chusets to come againe and trade with them, and begane now 
to prepare for that vioag about the later end of March. But 
upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, their Indean, tould them 
upon some jealocies he had, he feared they were joyned with 
the Narighansets and might betray them if they were not 
carefull. He intimated also some jealocie of Squanto, by what 
he gathered from some private whisperings betweene him and 
other Indeans. But they resolved to proseede, and sente out 
their shalop with 10. of their cheefe men aboute the begining 
of ApriU, and both Squanto and Hobamake with them, in re- 
garde of the jelocie betweene them. But they had not bene 
gone longe, but an Indean belonging to Squantos family came 
runing in seeming great fear, and tovld them that many of the 
Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought also Massasoyte, 
were coining against them; and he gott away to tell them, 
not without danger. And being examined by the Gov*", he 
made as if they were at hand, and would still be looking back, 
as if they were at his heels. At which the Gov' caused 
them to take armes and stand on their garde, and supposing 
the boat to be still within hearing (by reason it was calme) 
caused a warning peece or 2. to be shote of, the which they 
heard and came in. But no Indeans apeared ; watch was kepte 
all night, but nothing was seene. Hobamak was confidente for 
Massasoyt,and thought all was false; yet the Gov'" caused him to 
send his wife privatly, to see what she could observe (pretening 
other occssions), but ther was nothing found, but all was quiet. 


After this they proseeded on their vioge to the Massachusets, 
and had good trade, and returned in saftie, blessed be God. 

But by the former passages, and other things of hke nature, 
they begane to see that Squanto sought his owne ends, and plaid 
his owne game, by putting the Indeans in fear, and drawing 
gifts from them to enrich him selfe ; making them beleeve he 
could stur up warr against whom he would, and make peece 
for whom he would. Yea, he made them beleeve they kept 
the plague buried in the ground, and could send it amongs 
whom they would, which did much terrifie the Indeans, and 
made them depend more on him, and seeke more to him then 
to Massasoyte, which proucured him envie, and had like to 
have cost him his hfe. For after the discovery of his practises, 
Massasoyt sought it both privatly and openly; which caused 
him to stick close to the English, and never durst goe from 
them till he dyed. They also made good use of the emulation 
that grue betweene Hobamack and him, which made them cary 
more squarely. And the Gov"" seemed to countenance the 
one, and the Captaine the other, by which they had better 
intelligence, and made them both more dihgente. 

Now in a maner their provissions were wholy spent, and 
they looked hard for supply, but none came. But about the 
later end of May, they spied a boat at sea, which at first they 
thought had beene some Frenchman; but it proved a shalop 
which came from a ship which Mr. Weston and an other had set 
out a fishing, at a place called Damarins-cove,' 40. leagues to 
the eastward of them, wher were that year many more ships 
come a fishing. This boat brought 7. passengers and some 
letters, but no vitails, nor any hope of any. Some part of which 
I shall set downe. 

Mr. Carver, in my last leters by the Fortune, in whom Mr. Cushman 

wente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly expecte the shipe back 

againe. She departed hence, the begining of July, with 35. persons, 

though not over well provided with necesaries, by reason of the parsemonie 

' Now Damariscove Island, near the mouth of Damariscotta River, on the 
Maine coast. 


of the adventure[r]s. I have solisited them to send you a supply of men 
and provissions before shee come. They all answer they will doe great 
maters, when they hear good news. Nothing before; so faithful!, con- 
stant, and caref ull of your good, are your olde and honest freinds, that if 
they hear not from you, they are like to send you no supplie, etc. I am 
now to relate the occasion of sending this ship, hoping if you give credite 
to my words, you will have a more favourable opinion of it, then some 
hear, wherof Pickering is one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which 
is in part true, etc. Mr. Beachamp ' and my selfe bought this litle ship, 
and have set her out, partly, if it may be, to uphold ^ the plantation, as 
well to doe others good as our selves; and partly to gett up what we are 
formerly out; though we are otherwise censured, etc. This is the occasion 
we have sent this ship and these passengers, on our owne accounte; whom 
we desire you will frendly entertaine and supply with shuch necesaries as 
you cane spare, and they wante, etc. And among other things we pray 
you lend or sell them some seed come, and if you have the salt remaining 
of the last year, that you will let them have it for their presente use, and 
we will either pay you for it, or give you more when we have set our salt- 
pan to worke, which we desire may be set up in one of the litle ilands in 
your bay, etc. And because we intende, if God plase, (and the generallitie 
doe it not,) to send within a month another shipe, who, having discharged 
her passengers, shal goe to Virginia, etc. And it may be we shall send a 
small ship to abide with you on the coast, which I conceive may be a great 
help to the plantation. To the end our desire may be effected, which, I 
assure my selfe, will be also for your good, we pray you give them enter- 
tainmente in your houses the time they shall be with you, that they may 
lose no time, but may presently goe in hand to fell trees and cleave them, 
to the end lading may be ready and our ship stay not. 

Some of the adventurers have sent you hearwith all some directions 
for your furtherance in the commone bussines, who are like those St. 
James speaks of, that bid their brother eat, and warme him, but give him 
nothing; so they bid you make salt, and uphold the plantation, but send 
you no means wherwithall to doe it, etc. By the next we purpose to send 
more people on our owne accounte, and to take a patente; that if your 
peopl should be as unhtmiane as some of the adventurers, not to admite 

' John Beauchamp was one of the merchant adventurers. When eight of 
the leading members of the Pilgrim Colony made a settlement with the advent- 
urers after the expiration of the seven years' contract, he, with James Shirley, 
Richard Andrews and Timothy Hatheriey, endorsed the note which they gave to 
liquidate their indebtedness to the adventurers. 

' " I know not which way." (Br.) 


us to dwell with them, which were extreme barbarisme, and which will 
never enter into my head to thinke you have any shuch Pickerings amongst 
you. Yet to satisfie our passengers I must of force doe it; and for some 
other reasons not necessary to be writen, etc. I find the generall so 
backward, and your freinds at Leyden so could, that I fear you must stand 
on your leggs, and trust (as they say) to God and your selves. 


your loving freind, 
Jan: 12. 1621.' Tho: Weston. 

Stmdry other things I pass over, being tedious and imperti- 

All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie bellies, 
and a slender performance of his former late promiss; and as 
Utle did it either fill or warme them, as those the Apostle James 
spake of, by him before mentioned. And well might it make 
them remember what the psalmist saith, Psa. 118.8. It is 
better to trust in the Lord, then to have confidence in man. And 
Psa. 146. Put not you trust in princes (much less in the 
marchants) nor in the sone of man, for ther is no help in them. 
V. 5. Blesed is he that hath the God of Jacob for his help, whose 
hope is in the Lord his God. And as they were now fayled of 
suply by him and others in this their greatest neede and wants, 
which was caused by him and the rest, who put so great a com- 
pany of men upon them, as the former company were, without 
any food, and came at shuch a time as they must five almost 
a whole year before any could be raised, excepte they had 
sente some; so, upon the pointe they never had any supply of 
vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord gave them other- 
wise) ; for all the company sent at any time was allways too 
short for those people that came with it. 

Ther came allso by the same ship other leters, but of later 
date, one from Mr. Weston, an other from a parte of the ad- 
venturers, as foloweth. 

Mr. Carver, since my last, to the end we might the more readily pro- 
ceed to help the generall, at a meeting of some of the principall advent- 

• 7. e., 1622. 


urers, a proposition was put forth, and alowed by all presente (save 
Pickering), to adventure each man the third parte of what he formerly 
had done. And ther are some other that folow his example, and will ad- 
venture no furder. In regard wherof the greater part of the adventurers 
being willing to uphold the bussines, finding it no reason that those that 
are willing should uphold the bussines of those that are unwilling, whose 
backwardnes doth discourage those that are forward, and hinder other 
new-adventurers from coming in, we having well considered therof, have 
resolved, according to an article in the agreemente, (that it may be lawfull 
by a generall consente of the adventurers and planters, upon just occa- 
sion, to breake of their joynte stock,) to breake it of; and doe pray 
you to ratifie, and confirme the same on your parts. Which being done, 
we shall the more willingly goe forward for the upholding of you with 
all things necesarie. But in any case you must agree to the artickls, and 
send it by the first under your hands and seals. So I end. 

Your loving freind, 
Jan: 17. 1621. Tho: Weston. 

Another leter was write from part of the company of the 
adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed with 9. of 
their names, wherof Mr. Westons and Mr. Beachamphs were 
tow. Thes things seemed Strang vmto them, seeing this un- 
constancie and shufling; it made them to thinke ther was 
some misterie in the matter. And therfore the Gov'" con- 
cealed these letters from the pubhck, only imparted them to 
some trustie freinds for advice, who concluded with him, that 
this tended to disband and scater them (in regard of their 
straits) ; and if Mr. Weston and others, who seemed to rune in 
a perticuler way, should come over with shiping so provided 
as his letters did intimate, they most would fall to him, to the 
prejudice of them selves and the rest of the adventure[r]s, their 
freinds, from whom as yet they heard nothing. And it was 
doubted whether he had not sente over shuch a company in 
the former ship, for shuch an end. Yet they tooke compassion 
of those 7. men which this ship, which fished to the eastward, 
had kept till planting time was over, and so could set no corne; 
and allso wanting vitals, (for they tinned them off without 
any, and indeed wanted for them selves,) neither was their salt- 


pan come, so as they could not performe any of those things 
which Mr. Weston had apointed, and might have starved if 
the plantation had not succoured them; who, in their wants, 
gave them as good as any of their owne. The ship wente to 
Virginia, wher they sould both ship and fish, of which (it was 
conceived) Mr. Weston had a very slender accounte. 

After this came another of his ships, and brought letters 
dated the 10. of Aprill, from Mr. Weston, as followeth. 

Mr. Bradford, these, etc. The Fortune is arived, of whose good 
news touching your estate and proceedings, I am very glad to hear. And 
how soever he was robed on the way by the Frenchmen,^ yet I hope your 
loss will not be great, for the conceite of so great a returne doth much 
animate the adventurers, so that I hope some matter of importance will 
be done by them, etc. As for my selfe, I have sould my adventure and 
debts unto them, so as I am quit ^ of you, and you of me, for that matter, 
etc. Now though I have nothing to pretend as an adventurer amongst 
you, yet I will advise you a litle for your good, if you can apprehend it. 
I perceive and know as well as another, the dispositions of your ad- 
venturers, whom the hope of gaine hath drawne on to this they have done; 
and yet I fear that hope will not draw them much furder. Besids, most 
of them are against the sending of them of Leyden, for whose cause this 
bussines' was first begune, and some of the most religious (as Mr. Greene 
by name) ' excepts against them. So that my advice is (you may follow 
it if you please) that you forthwith break of your joynte stock, which you 
have warente to doe, both in law and conscience, for the most parte of the 
adventurers have given way unto it by a former letter. And the means 
you have ther, which I hope will be to some purpose by the trade of thb 
spring, may, with the help of some freinds hear, bear the charge of trans- 
porting those-of Leyden; and when they are with you I make no question 
but by Gods help you will be able to subsist of your selves. But I shall 
leave you to your discretion. 

I desired diverce of the adventurers, as Mr. Peirce, Mr. Greene, and 
others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or leters, to send 
them by these ships ; and marvelling they sent not so much as a letter, I 
asked our passengers what leters they had, and with some dificultie one 
of them tould me he had one, which was delivered him with great charge 
of secrecie; and for more securitie, to buy a paire of new -shoes, and sow 
'See the Introduction. ^ "See how his promiss is fulfild." (Br.) 
' William Greene was one of the' merchant adventurers. 


it betweene the soles for fear of intercepting. I, taking the leter, wonder- 
ing what mistrie might be in it, broke it open, and found this treacherous 
letter subscribed by the hands of Mr. Pickering and Mr. Greene. Wich 
leter had it come to you'' hands without answer, might have caused the 
hurt, if not the ruine, of us all. For assuredly if you had followed their 
instructions, and shewed us that unkindness which they advise you unto, 
to hold us in distruste as enimise, etc., it might have been an occasion 
to have set us togeather by the eares, to the distraction of us all. For I 
doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing what bussines hath been 
betweene us, not only my brother, but others also, would have been violent, 
and heady against you, etc. I mente to have setled the people I before 
and now send, with or near you, as well for their as your more securitie and 
defence, as help on all occasions. But I find the adventurers so jealous 
and suspitious, that I have altered my resolution, and given order to my 
brother and those with him, to doe as they and him self e shall find fitte. 
Thus, etc. 

Your loving freind, 
Aprill 10. 1621. Tho: Weston. 

(Some part of Mr Pickerings letter before mentioned 

To Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster, etc. 

My dear love remembred unto you all, etc. The company hath 
bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they are freed of him, he being 
judged a man that thought him self e above the generall, and not expresing 
so much the fear of God as was meete in a man to whom sliuch trust 
should have been reposed in a matter of so great importance. I am 
sparing to be so plaine as indeed is clear against him; but a few words 
to the wise. 

Mr. Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in his ships, nor any 
thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some reason in respecte of 
him selfe, etc. His brother Andrew, whom he doth send as principall 
in one of these ships, is a heady yong man, and violente, and set against 
you ther, and the company hear; ploting with Mr. Weston their owne 
ends, which tend to your and our undooing in respecte of our estates ther, 
and prevention of our good ends. For by credible testimoney we are 
informed his purpose is to come to your colonic, pretending he comes for 
and from the adventurers, and will seeke to gett what you have in readynes 
into his ships, as if they came from the company, and possessing all, will 
be so much profite to him selfe. And further to informe them selves what 
spetiall places or things you have discovered, to the end that they may 
supres and deprive you, etc. 


The Lord, who is the watchman of Israll and slepeth not, preserve 
you and deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorie that ther is 
cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man; so I leave 
you to God, who bless and multiply you into thousands, to the advance- 
mente of the glorious gospell of our Lord Jesus. Amen. Fare well. 

Your loving freinds, 

Edwaed Pickeeing. 
William Geeene. 

1 pray conceale both the writing and deliverie of this leter, but make 
the best use of it. We hope to sete forth a ship our selves with in this 

The heads of his answer. 

Mr. Bradford, this is the leter that I wrote unto you of, which to 
answer in every perticuler is needles and tedious. My owne conscience 
and all our people can and I thinke will testifie, that my end in sending 
the ship Sf arrow was your good, etc. Now I will not deney but ther are 
many of our people rude fellows, as these men terme them; yet I presume 
they will be governed by such as I set over them. And I hope not only 
to be able to reclaime them from that profanenes that may scandalise the 
vioage, but by degrees to draw them to God, etc. I am so farr from send- 
ing rude fellows to deprive you either by fraude or violence of what 
is yours, as I have charged the m''' of the ship Sparrow, not only to 
leave with you 2000. of bread, but also a good quantitie of fish,' etc. But 
I will leave it to you to consider what evill this leter would or might 
have done, had it come to your hands and taken the effecte the other 

Now if you be of the mind that these men are, deale plainly with us, 
and we will seeke our residence els-wher. If you are as freindly as we 
have thought you to be, give us the entertainment of freinds, and we will 
take nothing from you, neither meat, drinke, nor lodging, but what we 
will, in one kind or other, pay you for, etc. I shall leave in the countrie 
a litle ship (if God send her safe thither) with mariners and fisher-men 
to stay ther, who shall coast, and trad with the savages, and the old 
plantation. It may be we shall be as helpfull to you, as you will be to 
us. I thinke I shall see you the next spring; and so I comend you to the 
protection of God, who ever keep you. 

Your loving freind, 

Tho: Weston. 
' "But yo [he] left not his own men a bite of bread." (Br.) 


Thus all ther hops in regard of Mr. Weston were layed in 
the dust, and all his promised helpe turned into an empttie 
advice, which they apprehended was nether lawfull nor profit- 
able for them to follow. And they were not only thus left 
destitute of help in their extreme wants, haveing neither 
yitails, nor any thing to trade with, but others prepared and 
ready to glean up what the cimtrie might have afforded for 
their releefe. As for those harsh censures and susspitions in- 
timated in the former and following leters, they desired to 
judg as charitably and wisly of them as they could, waighing 
them in the ballance of love and reason ; and though they (in 
parte) came from godly and loveing freinds, yet they con- 
ceived many things might arise from over deepe jealocie and 
fear, togeather with immeete provocations, though they well 
saw Mr. Weston pursued his owne ends, and was imbittered 
in spirite. For after the receit of the former leters, the 
Gov'" received one from Mr. Cushman, who went home in the 
ship, and was allway intimate with Mr. Weston, (as former 
passages declare), and it was much marveled that nothing 
was heard from him, all this while. But it should seeme it 
was the difficulty of sending, for this leter was directed as the 
leter of a wife to her husband, who was here, and brought by 
him to the Gov"". It was as foUoweth. 

Beloved Sr: I hartily salute you, with trust of your health, and many 
thanks for your love. By Gods providence we got well home the 17. of 
Feb. Being robbed by the Frenchmen by the way, and carried by them 
into France, and were kepte ther 15. days, and lost all that we had that 
was worth taking; but thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives and 
ship. I see not that it worketh any discouragment hear. I purpose 
by Gods grace to see you shortly, I hope in June nexte, or before. In the 
mean space know these things, and I pray you be advertised a litle. Mr. 
Weston hath quite broken of from our company, through some discontents 
that arose betwext him and some of our adventurers, and hath sould all 
his adventurs, and hath now sent 3. smale ships for his perticuler planta- 
tion. The greatest wherof, being 100. tune, Mr. Reynolds goeth m'^ and 
he with the rest purposeth to come him selfe; for what end I know not. 


The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore I pray you 
entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for man with them, excepte 
it be some of your worst. He hath taken a patente for him selfe. If they 
offerr to buy any thing of you, let it be shuch as you can spare, and let 
them give the worth of it. If they borrow any thing of you, let them 
leave a good pawne, etc. It is like he will plant to the southward of the 
Cape, for William Trevore ^ hath lavishly tould but what he knew or 
imagined of Capewack, Mohiggen, and the Narigansets. I fear these peo- 
ple will hardly deale so well with the savages as they should. I pray you 
therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are a distincte body from us, and 
we have nothing to doe with them, neither must be blamed for their falts, 
much less can warrente their fidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses 
in France. Our freinds at Leyden are well, and will come to you as many 
as can this time. I hope all will turne to the best, wherfore I pray you 
be not discouraged, but gather up your selfe to goe thorow these dificulties 
cherfully and with courage in that place wherin God hath sett you, untill 
the day of refreshing come. And the Lord God of sea and land bring us 
comfortably togeather againe, if it may stand with his glorie. 


On the other sid of the leafe, in the same leter, came these 
few lines from Mr. John Peirce, in whose name the patente was 
taken, and of whom more will follow, to be spoken in its place. 

Worthy Sr: I desire you to take into consideration that which is 
writen on the other side, and not any way to damnific your owne collony, 
whos strength is but weaknes, and may therby be more infeebled. And 
for the leters of association, by the next ship we send, I hope you shall re- 
ceive satisfaction; in the mean time whom you admite I will approve. 
But as for Mr. Weston's company, I thinke them so base in condition 
(for the most parte) as in all apearance not fitt for an honest mans com- 
pany. I wish they prove other wise. My purpose is not to enlarge my 
selfe, but cease in these few lins, and so rest 

Your loving freind, 

John Peirce. 

All these things they pondred and well considered, yet 
concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente; partly in 
regard of Mr. Weston him selfe, considering what he had been 
unto them, and done for them, and to some, more espetially; 

' William Trevore came in the Mayflower, having been hired for a year, and 
returned to England. 


and partly in compassion to the people, who were now come 
into a willdemes, (as them selves were,) and were by the ship 
to be presently put a shore, (for she was to cary other pas- 
sengers to Virginia, who lay at great charge,) and they were 
alltogeather unacquainted and knew not what to doe. So as 
they had received his former company of 7. men, and vitailed 
them as their owne hitherto, so they also received these (being 
aboute 60. lusty men), and gave housing for them selves and 
their goods; and many being sicke, they had the best means 
the place could aford them. They stayed hear the most parte 
of the sommer till the ship came back againe from Virginia. 
Then, by his direction, or those whom he set over them, they 
removed into the Massachusset Bay, he having got a patente 
for some part ther, (by hght of ther former discovery in leters 
sent home).' Yet they left all ther sicke folke hear till they 
were setled and housed. But of ther victails they had not 
any, though they were in great wante, nor any thing els in 
recompence of any courtecife done them; neither did they 
desire it, for they saw they were an unruly company, and had 
no good govermente over them, and by disorder would soone 
fall into wants if Mr. Weston came not the sooner amongst 
them; and therfore, to prevente all after occasion, would have 
nothing of them. 

Amids these streigths, and the desertion of those from 
whom they had hoped for supply, and when famine begane 
now to pinch them sore, they not knowing what to doe, the 
Lord, (who never fails his,) presents them with an occasion, 
beyond all expectation. This boat which came from the east- 
ward brought them a letter from a stranger, of whose name they 
had never heard before, being a captaine of a ship come ther a 
fishing. This leter was as foUoweth. Being thus inscribed. 

To all his good freinds at PHmoth, these, etc. 

Freinds, cuntrimen, and neighbours: I salute you, and wish you all 
health and hapines in the Lord. I make bould with these few lines to 
• Weston's patent is not extant. 


trouble you, because unless I were unhumane, I can doe no les. Bad 
news doth spread it selfe too fair; yet I will so farr informe you that my 
selfe, with many good freinds in the south-collonie of Virginia, have re- 
ceived shuch a blow, that 400. persons large will not make good our losses. 
Therfore I doe intreat you (allthough not knowing you) that the old rule 
which I learned when I went to schoole, may be sufScente. That is, 
Hapie is he whom other mens harmes doth make to beware. And now 
againe and againe, wishing all those that willingly would serve the Lord, 
all health and happines in this world, and everlasting peace in the world 
to come. And so I rest. 


John Hudlston. 

By this boat the Gov"" returned a thankful! answer, 
as was meete, and sent a boate of their owne with them, which 
was piloted by them, in which Mr. Winslow was sente to pro- 
cure what provissions he could of the ships, who was kindly 
received by the foresaid gentill-man, who not only spared what 
he could, but writ to others to doe the hke. By which means 
he gott some good quantitie and returned in saftie, by which 
the plantation had a duble benefite, first, a present refreshing 
by the food brought, and secondly, they knew the way to 
those parts for their benifite hearafter. But what was gott, 
and this small boat brought, being devided among so many, 
came but to a htle, yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till 
harvest. It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day 
to each person; and the Gov'' caused it to be dayly given 
them, otherwise, had it been in their owne custody, they 
would have eate it up and then starved. But thus, with what 
els they could get, they made pretie shift till come was ripe. 

This sommer they builte a fort with good timber, both 
strong and comly, which was of good defence, made with a 
flate rofe and batelments, on which their ordnance were 
moimted, and wher they kepte constante watch, espetially in 
time of danger. It served them allso for a meeting house, and 
was fitted accordingly for that use.* It was a great worke 

An interesting description of the town and its fortifications, a few years 
later, is given by Isaac de Rasiferes, secretary of New Netherland, who visited 


for them in this weaknes and time of wants; but the deanger 
of the time required it, and both the continuall rumors of the 
fears from the Indeans hear, espetially the Narigansets, and 
also the hearing of that great massacre in Virginia, made all 
hands willing to despatch the same. 

Now the Wellcome time of harvest aproached, in which all 
had their himgrie belMes filled. But it arose but to a litle, 
in comparison of a full years supphe; partly by reason they 
were not yet well aquainted with the manner of Indean come, 
(and they had no other,) allso their many other imployments, 
but cheefly their weaknes for wante of food, to tend it as they 
should have done. Also much was stobie both by night and 
day, before it became scarce eatable, and much more after- 
ward. And though many were well whipt (when they were 
taken) for a few ears of come, yet hunger made others (whom 
conscience did not restraine) to venture. So as it well ap- 
peared that famine must still insue the next year allso, if not 
some way prevented, or suppHe should faile, to which they 
durst not trust. Markets there was none to goe too, but only 
the Indeans, and they had no trading comodities. Behold 
now another providence of God; a ship comes into the har- 
bor, one Captain Jons being cheefe therin. They were set 
out by some marchants to discovere all the harbors betweene 
this and Virginia, and the shoulds of Cap-Cod, and to trade 
along the coast wher they could. This ship had store of Eng- 
lish-beads (which were then good trade) and some knives, but 
would sell none but at dear rates, and also a good quantie 
togeather. Yet they weere glad of the occasion, and faine to 
buy at any rate; they were faine to give after the rate of 
cento per cento, if not more, and yet pay away coat-beaver at 
3s. per U., which in a few years after yeelded 20s. By this 
means they were fitted againe to trade for beaver and other 
things, and intended to buy what come they could. 

it in 1627. His letter is printed in the Collections of the New York Historical 
Society second series, II. 351. See also pp. 225, 226, 234, post. 


But I will hear take liberty to make a little digression. 
Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by name Mr. John Poory;' 
he had been secretarie in Virginia, and was now going home 
passenger in this ship. After his departure he write a leter to 
the Gov"" in the postscrite wherof he hath these lines. 

To your selfe and Mr. Brewster, I must acknowledg my selfe many 
ways indebted, whose books I would have you thinke very well bestowed 
on him, who esteemeth them shuch juells. My hast would not suffer 
me to remember (much less to begg) Mr. Ainsworths elaborate worke 
upon the 5. books of Moyses. Both his and Mr. Robinsons doe highly 
comend the authors, as being most conversante in the scripturs of all 
others. And what good (who knows) it may please God to worke by 
them, through my hands, (though most unworthy,) who finds shuch high 
contente in them. God have you all in his keeping. 

Your unfained and firme freind, 

Aug. 28. 1622. John Poet. 

These things I hear inserte for honour sake of the authors 
memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus ingeniusly ac- 
knowledg; and him selfe after his returne did this poore- 
plantation much credite amongst those of no mean ranck. 
But to returne. 

Shortly after harvest Mr. Westons people who were now 
seated at the Massachusets, and by disorder (as it seems) had 
made havock of their provissions, begane now to perceive 
that want would come upon them. And hearing that they 
hear had bought trading comodities and intended to trade 
for come, they write to the Gov' and desired they might 
joyne with them, and they would imploy their small ship in the 
servise; and furder requested either to lend or sell them so 
much of their trading comodities as their part might come to, 
and they would undertake to make paymente when Mr. Weston 

' A letter of Pory's describing conditions at Jamestown in 1619 is printed 
in Narratives of Early Virginia, in this series; its introduction gives an account 
of him. He was a traveller and an experienced member of Parliament. As 
speaker of the first elected legislative assembly in America, that which met in 
Jamestown in 1619, he drew up the joiu-nal of its proceedings, which is printed 
in the same volume. 


or their supply, should come. The Gov"" condesended upon 
equall terms of agreemente, thinkeing to goe'aboute the Cap 
to the southward with the ship, wher some store of come 
might be got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish 
was apointed to goe with them, and Squanto for a guid and 
interpreter, about the latter end .of September ; but the winds 
put them in againe, and putting out the 2. time, he fell sick 
of a feavor, so the Gov"" wente him selfe. But they could 
not get aboute the should of Cap-Cod, for flats and break- 
ers, neither could Squanto directe them better, nor the m"" 
durst venture any further, so they put into Manamoyack Bay 
and got w*^ [what] they could ther. In this place Squanto 
fell sick of an Indean feavor, bleeding much at the nose (which 
the Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within a few 
days dyed ther; desiring the Gov'' to pray for him, that 
he might goe to the Enghshmens God in heaven, and be- 
queathed sundrie of his things to simdry of his English freinds, 
as remembrances of his love; of whom they had a great loss. 
They got in this vioage, in one place and other, about 26. or 
28. hogsheads of corne and beans, which was more then the 
Indeans could well spare in these parts, for the set but a htle 
till they got Enghsh hows. And so were faine to returne, 
being sory they could not gett about the Cap, to have been 
better laden. After ward the Gov"" tooke a few men and 
wente to the inland places, to get what he could, and to 
fetch it home at the spring, which did help them something. 
After these things, in Feb: a messenger came from John 
Sanders, who was left cheefe over Mr. Weston's men in the bay 
of Massachusets, who brought a letter shewing the great wants 
they were falen mto; and he would have borrowed a Ml 
of corne of the Indeans, but they would lend him none. He 
desired advice whether he might not take it from them by 
force to succore his men till he came from the eastward, 
whither he was going. The Gov"" and rest deswaded him by 
all means from it, for it might so exasperate the Indeans as 


might endanger their saftie, and all of us might smart for it; 
for they had already heard how they had so wronged the 
Indeans by steaUng their corne, etc. as they were much in- 
censed against them. Yea, so base were some of their own 
company, as they wente and tould the Indeans that their 
Gov'' was purposed to come and take their come by force. 
The which with other things made them enter into a con- 
spiracie against the English, of which more in the nexte. 
Hear with I end this year. 

Anno Dom: 1623. 

It may be thought Strang that these people- should fall to 
these extremities in so short a time, being left competently 
provided when the ship left them, and had an addition by that 
moyetie of corn that was got by trade, besids much they gott 
of the Indans wher they hved, by one means and other. It 
must needs be their great disorder, for they spent excesseivly 
whilst they had, or could get it; and, it may be, wasted parte 
away among the Indeans (for he that was their cheef was 
taxed by some amongst them for keeping Indean women, how 
truly I know not). And after they begane to come into 
wants, many sould away their cloathes and bed coverings; 
others (so base were they) became servants to the Indeans, 
and would cutt them woode and fetch them water, for a cap 
full of corne; others fell to plaine stealing, both night and day, 
from the Indeans, of which they greevosly complained. In 
the end, they came to that misery, that some starved and 
dyed with could and hunger. One in geathering shell-fish was 
so weake as he stuck fast in the mudd, and was found dead in 
the place. At last most of them left their dwellings and 
scatered up and downe in the woods, and by the water sids, 
wher they could find groimd nuts and clames, hear 6. and ther 
ten. By which their cariages they became contemned and 
scorned of the Indeans, and they begane greatly to insulte over 
them in a most insolente maner; insomuch, many times as 


they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot with ground 
nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready the Indeans would come 
and eate it up; and when night came, wheras some of them 
had a sorie blanket, or such like, to lappe them selves in, the 
Indeans would take it and let the other lye all nighte in the 
could; so as their condition was very lamentable. Yea, in 
the end they were faine to hange one of their men, whom 
they could not reclaime from stealing, to give the Indeans 

Whilst things wente in this maner with them, the Gov"" 
and people hear had notice that Massasoyte ther freind was 
sick and near unto death. They sent to vissete him, and 
withall sente him such comfortable things as gave him great 
contente, and was a means of his recovery; upon which occa- 
sion he discovers the conspiracie of these Indeans, how they 
were resolved to cutt of Mr. Westons people, for the con- 
tiauall injuries they did them, and would now take oppor- 
timitie of their weaknes to doe it; and for that end had con- 
spired with other Indeans their neighbours their aboute. And 
thinking the people hear would revenge their death, they 
therfore thought to doe the Uke by them, and had solisited 
him to joyne with them. He advised them therfore to prevent 
it, and that speedly by taking of some of the cheefe of them, 
before it was to late, for he asured them of the truth hereof. 

This did much trouble them, and they tooke it into serious 
dehbration, and found upon examenation other evidence to 
give Ught hear tmto, to longe hear to relate. In the mean 
time, came one of them from the Massachucts, with a small 
pack at his back ; and though he knew not a foote of the way, 
yet he got safe hither, but lost his way, which was well for him, 
for he was pursued, and so was mist. He tould them hear how 
all things stood amongst them, and that he durst stay no 
longer, he apprehended they (by what he observed) would be 
all knokt in the head shortly. This made them make the 
more hast, and dispatched a boate away with Capten Standish 


and some men, who found them in a miserable condition, out 
of which he rescued them, and helped them to some releef, cut 
of some few of the cheefe conspirators, and, according to his 
order, offered to bring them all hither if they thought good; 
and they should fare no worse then them selves, till Mr. 
Weston or some supplie came to them. Or, if any other 
course liked them better, he was to doe them any helpfullnes 
he could. They thanked him and the rest. But most of 
them desired he would help them with some come, and they 
would goe with their smale ship to the eastward, wher hapily 
they might here of Mr. Weston, or some supply from him, 
seing the time of the year was for fishing ships to be ia the 
land. If not, they would worke among the fishermen for their 
hveing, and get ther passage into England, if they heard noth- 
ing from Mr. Weston in time. So they shipped what, they 
had of any worth, and he got them all the corne he could 
(scarce leaving to bring him home), and saw them well out 
of the bay, imder saile at sea, and so came home, not takeing 
the worth of a peny of any thing that was theirs. I have but 
touched these things breefiy, because they have alkeady been 
published in printe more at large.' 

This was the end of these that some time bosted of their 
strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what they would 
doe and bring to pass, in comparison of the people hear, who 
had many women and children and weak ons amongst them; 
and said at their first arivall, when they saw the wants hear, 
that they would take an other course, and not to fall into 
shuch a condition, as this simple people were come too. But 
a mans way is not in his owne power; God can make the 
weake to stand; let him also that standeth take heed least 
he fall. 

Shortly after, Mr. Weston came over with some of the 
fishermen, imder another name, and the disguise of a blacke- 
smith, were [where] he heard of the ruine and disolution of 

' "Mourt's Relation," published in London in 1622, is here referred to. 


his colony. He got a boat and with a man or 2. came to see 
how things were. But by the way, for wante of skill, in a 
storme, he cast away his.shalop in the botome of the bay be- 
tween Meremek river and Pascataquack,' and hardly escaped 
with life, and afterwards fell into the hands of the Indeans, 
who pillaged him of all he saved from the sea, and striped him 
out of all his cloaths to his shirte. At last he got to Pascata- 
quack, and borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got means to 
come to Phmoth. A Strang alteration ther was in him to 
such as had seen and known him in his former florishing con- 
dition; so uncertaine are the mutable things of this unstable 
world. And yet men set their harts upon them, though they 
dayly see the vanity therof . 

After many passages, and much discourse, (former things 
boyhng in his mind, but bit in as was discemd,) he desired to 
borrow some beaver of them; and tould them he had hope of 
a ship and good supply to come to him, and then they should 
have any thing for it they stood in neede of. They gave Utle 
credite to his supplie, but pitied his case, and remembered 
former curtesies. They tould him he saw their wants, and they 
knew not when they should have any supply; also how the 
case stood betweene them and their adventurers, he well 
knew; they had not much bever, and if they should let him 
have it, it were enoughe to make a mutinie among the people, 
seeing ther was no other means to procure them foode which 
they so much wanted, and cloaths allso. Yet they tould him 
they would help him, considering his necessitie, but must doe 
it secretly for the former reasons. So they let him have 100. 
beaver-skins, which waighed 170U. odd pounds. Thus they 
helpt him when all the world faild him, and with this means 
he went againe to the ships, and stayed his small ship and 
some of his men, and bought provissions and fited him selfe; 
and it was the only foundation of his after course. But he 

' I. e., near Hampton Beach, between the mouth of the Merrimac and the 
present site of Portsmouth. 


requited them ill, for he proved after a bitter enimie unto 
them upon all occasions, and never repayed them any thing 
for it, to this day, but reproches and evill words. Yea, he 
divolged it to some that were none of their best freinds, whilst 
he yet had the beaver in his boat; that he could now set them 
all togeather by the ears, because they had done more then 
they could answer, in letting him have this beaver, and he did 
not spare to doe what he could. But his maUce could not 

All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew they 
when they might expecte any. So they begane to thinke how 
they might raise as much come as they could, and obtaine a 
beter crope then they had done, that they might not still thus 
languish in miserie. At length, after much debate of things, 
the Gov'' (with the advise of the cheefest amongest them) 
gave way that they should set corne every man for his owne 
perticuler, and in that regard trust to them selves; in all 
other things to goe on in the generall way as before. And so 
assigned to every family a parcell of land, according to the 
proportion of their number for that end, only for present use 
(but made no devission for inheritance), and ranged all boys 
and youth under some familie. This had very good success; 
for it made all hands very industrious, so as much more corne 
was planted then other waise would have bene by any means 
the Gov"" or any other could use, and saved him a great 
deall of trouble, and gave farr better contente. The women 
now wente wiUingly into the feild, and tooke their Utle-ons 
with them to set corne, which before would aledg weaknes, 
and inabihtie; whom to have compelled would have bene 
thought great tiranie and oppression. 

The experience that was had in this commone course and 
condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and 
sober men, may well evince the vanitie of that conceite of 
Platos and other .ancients, applauded by some of later times; 
— that the taking away of propertie, and bringing in com- 


munitie into a comone wealth, would make them happy and 
florishing ; as if they were wiser then God. For this comunitie 
(so farr as it was) was foimd to breed much confusion and 
discontent, and retard much imployment that would have 
been to their benefite and comforte. For the yong-men that 
were most able and fitte for labour and service did repine that 
they shoiild spend their time and streingth to worke for other 
mens wives and children, with out any recompence. The 
strong, or man of parts, had no more in devission of victails 
and cloaths, then he that was weake and not able to doe a 
quarter the other could; this was thought injuestice. The 
aged and graver men to be ranked and equaUsed in labotirs, 
and victails, cloaths, etc., with the meaner and yonger sorte, 
thought it some indignite and disrespect xmto them. And 
for mens wives to be commanded to doe servise for other men, 
as dresing their meate, washing their cloaths, etc., they deemd 
it a kind of slaverie, neither could many husbands well brooke 
it. Upon the poynte all being to have alike, and all to doe 
alike, they thought them selves in the like condition, and one 
as good as another; and so, if it did not cut of those relations 
that God hath set amongest men, yet it did at least much 
diminish and take of the mutuall respects that should be pre- 
served amongst them. And would have bene worse if they 
had been men of another condition. Let none objecte this is 
men's corruption, and nothing to the course it selfe. I an- 
swer, seeing all men have this corruption in them, God in his 
wisdome saw another course fiter for them. 

But to retume. After this course setled, and by that' 
their come was planted, all ther victails were spente, and 
they were only to rest on Gods providence; at night not many 
times knowing wher to have a bitt of any thing the next day. 
And so, as one well observed, had need to pray that God would 
give them their dayly brade, above all people in the world. 
Yet they bore these wants with great patience and allacritie 

' By the time that. 


of spirite, and that for so long a time as for the most parte of 
2. years; which makes me remember what Peter Martire writs, 
(in magnifying the Spaniards) in his 5. Decade, pag. 208.' 
They (saith he) led a miserable life for 5. days togeather, with the 
parched graine of maize only, and that not to saturitie; and then 
concluds, that shuch pains, shuch labours, and shuch hunger, he 
thought none living which is not a Spaniard could have endured. 
But alass! these, when they had maize (that is, Indean come) 
they thought it as good as a feast, and wanted not only for 
5. days togeather, but some time 2. or 3. months togeather, 
and neither had bread nor any kind of come. Indeed, in an 
other place, in his 2. Decade, page 94. he mentions how others 
of them were worse put to it, wher they were faine to eate 
doggs, toads, and dead men, and so dyed almost all. From 
these extremities they [the] Lord in his goodnes kept these his 
people, and in their great wants preserved both their hves 
and healthes ; let his name have the praise. Yet let me hear 
make use of his conclusion, which in some sorte may be ap- 
plied to this people: That with their miseries they opened a 
way to these new-lands; and after these stormes, with what ease 
other men came to inhabite in them, in respecte of the calamities 
these men suffered; so as they seeme to goe to a bride feaste wher 
all things are provided for them. 

They haveing but one boat left and she not over well fitted, 
they were devided into severall companies, 6. or 7. to a gangg 
or company, and so wente out with a nett they had bought, 
to take bass and such like fish, by course, every company 
knowing their turne. No sooner was the boate discharged of 
what she brought, but the next company tooke her and wente 
out with her. Neither did they returne till they had cauight 
something, though it were 5. or 6. days before, for they knew 
there was nothing at home, and to goe home emptie would be 
a great discouragemente to the rest. Yea, they strive who 

' Peter Martyr of Anghiera, Decades de Rebus Oceanicis et Novo Orbe, the 
great Spanish history of America, translated into English by Richard Eden. 


should doe best. If she stayed longe or got litle, then all 
went to seeking of shel-fish, which at low-water they digged 
out of the sands. And this was their hving in the sommer time, 
till God sente them beter; and in winter they were helped 
with ground-nuts and foule. Also in the sommer they gott 
now and then a dear; for one or 2. of the fitest was apoynted 
to range the woods for that end, and what was gott that way 
was devided amongst them. 

At length they received some leters from the adventurers, 
too long and tedious hear to record, by which they heard of 
their fiu-der crosses and frustrations; begining in this maner. 

Loving freinds, as your sorrows and afflictions have bin great, so 
our croses and interceptions in our proceedings hear, have not been 
small. For after we had with much trouble and charge sente the Parra- 
gon away to sea, and thought all the paine past, within 14. days after she 
came againe hither, being dangerously leaked, and brused with tempest- 
ious stormes, so as shee was faine to be had into the docke, and an lOOli. 
bestowed upon her. All the passengers lying upon our charg for 6. or 
7. weeks, and much discontent and distemper was occasioned hereby, 
so as some dangerous evente had like to insewed. But we trust all shall 
be well and worke for the best and your benefite, if yet with patience you 
can waite, and but have strength to hold in life. Whilst these things were 
doing, Mr. Westons ship came and brought diverce leters from you, etc. 
It rejoyseth us much to hear of those good reports that diverce have 
brought home from you, etc. 

These letters were dated Des. 21 : 1622. 

So farr of this leter. 

This ship was brought by Mr. John Peirce, and set out at 
his owne charge, upon hope of great maters. These passen- 
gers, and the goods the company sent in her, he tooke in for 
fraught, for which they agreed with him to be dehvered hear. 
This was he in whose name their first patente was taken, by 
reason of aquaintance, and some ahance that some of their 
freinds had with him. But his name was only used in trust. 
But when he saw they were hear hopfuUy thus seated, and by 
the success God gave them had obtained the favour of the 


Coimsell of New-England, he goes and sues to them for an- 
other patent of much larger extente (in their names), which 
was easily obtained.* But he mente to keep it to him selfe 
and alow them what he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, 
and sue to his courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that 
which follows. But the Lord marvelously crost him; for 
after this first returne, and the charge above mentioned, when 
shee was againe fitted, he pesters him selfe and taks in more 
passengers, and those not very good to help to bear his losses, 
and sets out the 2. time. But what the event was will appear 
from another leter from one of the cheefe of the company, 
dated the 9. of Aprill, 1623. writ to the Gov"" hear, as fol- 

Loving freind, when I write my last leter, I hope to have received one 
from you. well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des : I litle thought 
to have seen Mr. John Peirce till he had brought some good tidings from 
you. But it pleased God, he brought us the wofull tidings of his returne 
when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, werin the goodnes and 
mercie of God appeared in sparing their lives, being 109. souls. The 
loss is so great to Mr. Peirce, etc., and the companie put upon so great 
charge, as veryly, etc. 

Now with great trouble and loss, we have got Mr. John Peirce to 
assigne over the grand patente to the companie, which he had taken in 
his owne name, and made quite voyd our former grante. I am sorie to 
writ how many hear thinke that the hand of God was justly against him, 
both the first and 2. time of his returne; in regard he, whom you and 
we so confidently trusted, but only to use his name for the company, 
should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make you and us tenants at 
his will and pleasure, our assurance or patente being quite voyd and 
disanuled by his means. I desire to judg charitably of him. But his 
unwillingnes to part with his royall Lordship, and the high-rate he set it 
at, which was 500li. which cost him but 50li., maks many speake and 
judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, with 
charge aboute the passengers, QiOli., etc. 

' April 20, 1622, John Pierce surrendered to the Council for New England 
the patent of June 1, 1621, which he had obtained ostensibly for the benefit of 
the Pilgrims, and took a new patent of the same lands for himself alone. On 
the facts being presented to the Council, March 25, 1623, they assured to the 
colonists all the rights to which they had been entitled under the former patent. 


We have agreed with 2. marchants for a ship of 140. tunes, caled the 
Anne, which is to be ready the last of this month, to bring 60. passengers 
and 60. tune of goods, etc. 

This was dated Aprill 9. 1623. 

These were ther owne words and judgmente of this mans 
deaUng and proceedings ; for I thought it more meete to ren- 
der them in theirs then my owne words. And yet though 
ther was never got other recompence then the resignation of this 
patente, and the shares he had in adventure, for all the former 
great sumes, he was never quiet, but sued them in most of 
the cheefe courts in England, and when he was still cast, 
brought it to the Parlemente. But he is now dead, and I 
will leave him to the Lord. 

This ship suffered the greatest extreemitie- at sea at her 2. 
retume, that one shall hghtly hear of, to be saved; as I have 
been informed by Mr. Wilham Peirce who was then m"" 
of her, and many others that were passengers in her. It was 
aboute the midle of Feb : The storme was for the most parte 
of 14. days, but for 2. or 3. days and nights togeather in most 
violent extremitie. After they had cut downe their mast, the 
storme beat of their round house and all their uper works; 
3. men had worke enough at the helme, and he that cund' 
the ship before the sea, was faine to be bound fast for washing 
away; the seas did so overrake them, as many times those upon 
the decke knew not whether they were within bord or withoute ; 
and once she was so foundered ia the sea as they all thought 
she would never rise againe. But yet the Lord preserved 
them, and brought them at last safe to Ports-mouth, to the 
wonder of all men that saw in what a case she was in, and 
heard what they had endured. 

About the later end of Jime came in a ship, with Captaine 
Francis West,^ who had a commission to be admirall of New- 
England, to restraine interlopers, and shuch fishing ships as 
came to fish and trade without a hcence from the Counsell of 

' "Conned," i. e., directed. " A brother of Lord Delaware. 


New-England, for which they should pay a round sume of 
money. But he could doe no good of them, for they were to 
stronge for him, and he found the fisher men to be stubeme 
fellows. And their owners, upon complainte made to the 
Parlemente,' procured an order that fishing should be free. 
He tould the Gov'' they spooke with a ship at sea, and 
were abord her, that was coming for this plantation, in which 
were sxmdrie passengers, and they marvelled she was not 
arrived, fearing some miscariage; for they lost her in a storme 
that fell shortly after they had been abord. Which relation 
filled them full of fear, yet mixed with hope. The m'' of 
this ship had some 2. hh of pease to sell, but seeing their 
wants, held them at 9li. sterling a hoggshead, and imder 
8li. he would not take, and yet would have beaver at an 
under rate. But they tould him they had lived so long with- 
out, and would doe still, rather then give sa unreasonably. 
So they went from hence to Virginia. 

[I may not here omite how, notwithstand all their great 
paines and Industrie, and the great hops of a large' cropp, the 
Lord seemed to blast, and take away the same, and to threaten 
further and more sore famine unto them, by a great drought 
which continued from the 3. weeke in May, till about the 
midle of July, without any raine, and with great heat (for the 
most parte), insomuch as the corne begane to wither away, 
though it was set with fishe, the moysture wherof helped it 
much. Yet at length it begane to languish sore, and some of 
the drier groimds were partched like withered hay, part 
wherof was never recovered. Upon which they sett a parte a 
solemne day of humilHation, to seek the Lord by humble and 
fervente prayer, in this great distrese. And he was pleased to 
give them a gracious and speedy answer, both to thier owne 
and the Indeans admiration, that lived amongest them. For 
all the morning, and greatest part of the day, it was clear 

' The attack was made a part of the general movement in Parliament against 
monopolies. See Commons Journal, I. 688-697. 


weather and very hotte, and not a cloud or any signe of raine 
to be seen, yet toward evening it begane to overcast, and 
shortly after to raine, with shuch sweete and gentle showers, 
as gave them cause of rejoyceing, and blesing God. It came, 
without either wind, or thunder, or any violence, and by de- 
greese in that abundance, as that the earth was thorowly wete 
and soked therwith. Which did so apparently revive and 
quicken the decayed corne and other fruits, as was wonder- 
full to see, and made the Indeans astonished to behold; and 
afterwards the Lord sent them shuch seasonable showers, with 
enterchange of faire warme weather, as, through his blessing, 
caused a fruitfull and liberall harvest, to their no small com- 
forte and rejoycing. For which mercie (in time conveniente) 
they also ^ett aparte a day of thanksgiveing. This being over- 
slipt in its place, I thought meet here to inserte the same.] * 

About 14. days after came in this ship, caled the Anne, 
wherof Mr. William Peirce was m'', and aboute a weeke or 
10. days after came in the pinass which in foule weather 
they lost at sea, a fine new vessell of about 44. time, which the 
company had builte to stay in the cimtrie.^ They brought 
about 60. persons for the generall, some of them being very 
usefull persons, and became good members to the body, and 
some were the wives and children of shuch as were hear all- 
ready. And some were so bad, as they were faine to be at 
charge to send them home againe the next year. Also, besids 
these ther came a company, that did not belong to the gen- 
erall body, but came one [on] their perticuler, and were to 
have lands assigned them, and be for them selves, yet to be 
subjecte to the generall Goverment; which caused some 
diferance and disturbance amongst them, as will after ap- 

' The above is written on the reverse of page 103 of the original, and should 
properly be inserted here. This passage, "being oversHpt in its place," the 
author at first wrote it, or the most of it, under the preceding year; but, dis- 
covering his error before completing it, drew his pen across it, and wrote beneath, 
"This is to be here rased out, and is to be placed on page 103, wher it is inserted." 

' These two vessels were the Anne and LitUe James. For their hst of pas- 
sengers, see Ancient Landmarks of Plymmdh, part i., p. 52, 


peare. I shall hear againe take libertie to inserte a few things 
out of shuch leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather to 
manefest things in ther words and apprehentions, then in my 
owne, as much as may be, without tediousness. 

Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all, with trust of your healths 
and wellf *re, being right sorie that no supplie hath been made to you all 
this while; for defence wher of, I must referr you to our generall leters. 
Naitheir indeed have we now sent you many things, which we should and 
would, for want of money. But persons, more then inough, (though not 
all we should,) for people come flying in upon us, but monys come creep- 
ing in to us. Some few of your old freinds are come, as, etc. So they 
come droping to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long you shall enjoye 
them all. And because people press so hard upon us to goe, and often 
shuch as are none of the fitest, I pray you write ernestly to the Treasurer 
and directe what persons should be sente. It greeveth me to see so 
weake a company sent you, and yet had I not been hear they had been 
weaker. You must still call upon the company hear to see that honest 
men be sente you, and threaten to send them back if any other come, etc. 
We are not any way so much in danger, as by corrupte an noughty per- 
sons. Shuch, and shuch, came without my consente; but the importu- 
nitie of their freinds got promise of our Treasurer in my absence. Neither 
is ther need we should take any lewd men, for we may have honest men 

Your assured freind, _, _,, 

The following was from the genrall. 

Loving freinds, we most hartily salute you in all love and harty 
affection; being yet in hope that the same God which hath hithertoo 
preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet continue your lives and 
health, to his owne praise and all our comforts. Being right sory that you 
have not been sent unto all this time, etc. We have in this ship sent shuch 
women, as were willing and ready to goe to their husbands and freinds, 
with their children, etc. We would not have you discontente, because 
we have not sent you more of your old freinds, and in spetiall, him ^ on 
whom you most depend. Farr be it from us to neclecte you, or contemne 
him. But as the intente was at first, so the evente at last shall shew it, 
that we will deal fairly, and squarly answer your expectations to the full. 
Ther are also come unto you, some honest men to plant upon their pM* 

' Robert Cushman. 

' " J. R." (Note by Bradford, meaning John Robinson.) 


ticulers besids you. A thing which if we should not give way unto, we 
should wrong both them and you. Them, by puting them on things more 
inconveniente, and you, for that being honest men, they will be a strength- 
ening to the place, and good neighbours unto you. Tow things we would 
advise you of, which we have likwise signified them hear. First, the trade 
for skins to be retained for the generall till the devidente; 2*''. that their 
setling by you, be with shuch distance of place as is neither inconvenient 
for the lying of your lands, nor hurtf uli to your speedy and easie assembling 

We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte,- etc. Diverse other 
provissions we have sente you, as will appear in your bill of lading, and 
though we have not sent all we would (because our cash is small), yet 
it is that we could, etc. 

And allthough it seemeth you have discovered many more rivers and 
fertill grounds then that wher you are, yet seeing by Gods providence that 
place fell to your lote, let it be accounted as your portion; and rather fixe 
your eyes upon that which may be done ther, then languish in hops after 
things els-wher. If your place be not the best, it is better, you shall be 
the less envied and encroached upon; and shuch as are earthly minded, 
will not setle too near your border.^ If the land afford you bread, and 
the sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while contented, God will one day afford 
you better fare. And all men shall know you are neither fugetives nor 
discontents. But can, if God so order it, take the worst to your selves, 
with contend [content], and leave the best to your neighbours, with 

Let it not be greeveous unto you that you have been instruments to 
breake the ise for others who come after with less dificulty, the honour 
shall be yours to the worlds end, etc. 

We bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection is towards 
you all, as are the harts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, 
who doubtles pray for your saftie as their owne, as we our selves both doe 
and ever shall, that the same God which hath so marvelously preserved 
you from seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you from all future 
dangers, and make you honourable amongst men, and glorious in blise 
at the last day. And so the Lord be with you all and send us joyfull news 
from you, and inable us with one shoulder so to accomplish and perfecte 
this worke, as much glorie may come to Him that conf oundeth the mighty 
by the weak, and maketh small thinges great. To whose greatnes, be all 
glorie for ever and ever. 

' "This proved rather, a propheti, then advice." (Br.) 


This leter was subscribed with 13. of their names.* 
These passengers, when they saw their low and poore 
condition a shore, were much danted and dismayed, and 
according to their diverse humores were diversly affected; 
some wished them selves in England againe; others fell a 
weeping, fancying their own miserie in what they saw now 
in others ; other some pitying the distress they saw their freinds 
had been long in, and still were under; in a word, all were 
full of sadnes. Only some of their old freinds rejoysed to see 
them, and that it was no worse with them, for they could not 
expecte it should be better, and now hoped they should injoye 
better days togeather. And truly it was no marvell they 
should be thus affected, for they were in a very low condition, 
many were ragged in aparell, and some Mtle beter then halfe 
naked; though some that were well stord before, were well 
enough in this regard. But for food they were all alike, save 
some that had got a few pease of the ship that was last hear. 
The best dish they could presente their freinds with was a 
lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or any thiag els but 
a cupp of fair spring water. And the long continuance of this 
diate, and their laboxn^ abroad, had something abated the 
freshnes of their former complexion. But God gave them 
health and strength in a good measin-e ; and showed them by 
experience the truth of that word, Deut. 8. 3. That man 
liveth not by bread only, but by every word that proceedeth out of 
the mouth of the Lord doth a man live. 

When I think how sadly the scripture speaks of the famine 
in Jaakobs time, when he said to his sonns, Goe buy us food, 
that we may live and not dye. Gen. 42. 2. and 43. 1, that 
the famine was great, or heavie in the land; and yet they 
had such great herds, and store of catle of simdrie kinds, 
which, besids flesh, must needs produse other food, as milke, 

'An answer to it, by Bradford and Allerton, found among the papers of the 
High Court of Admiralty in the British Public Record Office, is printed in the 
American Historical Review, VIII. 295-301. 


butter and cheese, etc., and yet it was counted a sore afflic- 
tion; theirs hear must needs be very great, therfore, who not 
only wanted the staffe of bread, but all these things, and had 
no Egipte to goe too. But God fedd them out of the sea for 
the most parte, so wonderfuU is his providence over his in 
all ages ; for his mercie endureth for ever. 

On the other hand the old planters were affraid that their 
corne, when it was ripe, should be imparted to the new- 
commers, whose provissions which they brought with them 
they feared would fall short before the year wente aboute (as 
indeed it did). They came to the Gov'' and besought him 
that as it was before agreed that they should set corne for 
their perticuler, and accordingly they had taken extraordinary 
pains ther aboute, that they might freely injoye the same, and 
they would not have a bitte of the victails now come, but 
waite till harvest for their owne, and let the new-commers 
injoye what they had brought; they would have none of it, 
excepte they could piu-chase any of it of them by bargaine or 
exchainge. Their requeste was granted them, for it gave both 
sides good contente ; for the new-commers were as much afraid 
that the hungrie planters would have eat up the provissions 
brought, and they should have fallen into the Uke condition. 

This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, by the 
help of many hands. Also they sente in her all the beaver 
and other furrs they had, and Mr. Winslow was sent over with 
her, to informe of all things, and procure such things as were 
thought needfull for their presente condition. By this time 
harvest was come, and in stead of famine, now God gave them 
plentie, and the face of things was changed, to the rejoysing of 
the harts of many, for which they blessed God. And the 
effect of their particuler planting was well seene, for all had, 
one way and other, pretty well to bring the year aboute, and 
some of the abler sorte and more industrious had to spare, 
and sell to others, so as any generall wante or famine hath not 
been amongst them since to this day. 


Those that come on their perticuler looked for greater 
matters then they found or could attaine unto, aboute building 
great houses, and such pleasant situations for them, as them 
selves had fancied ; as if they would be great men and rich, all 
of a sudaine ; but they proved castls in the aire. These were 
the conditions agreed on betweene the colony and them. 

First, that the Gov'', in the name and with the con- 
sente of the company, doth in all love and frendship receive 
and imbrace them; and is to allote them competente places 
for habitations within the towne. And promiseth to shew 
them all such other curtesies as shall be reasonable for them 
to desire, or us to performe. 

2. That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such laws 
and orders as are already made, or hear after shall be, for the 
pubUck good. 

3. That they be freed and exempte from the generall im- 
ployments of the said company, (which their presente condi- 
tion of comimitie requireth,) excepte commime defence, and 
such other imployments as tend to the perpetuall good of the 

4^y. Towards the maintenance of Gov"'*, and publick 
officers of the said collony, every male above the age of 
16. years shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or the worth of 
it, into the commone store. 

5^y. That (according to the agreemente the marchants 
made with them before they came) they are to be wholy 
debared from all trade with the Indeans for all sorts of furrs, 
and such like commodities, till the time of the comunalUtie 
be ended. 

About the midle of September arrived Captaine Robart 
Gorges ' in the Bay of the Massachusets, with sundrie pas- 

' Robert Gorges, son of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who had been a soldier in 
the Venetian wars, had a private patent for a district on the north side of Massa- 
chusetts Bay, but planted his colony at Weymouth, in the buildings deserted by 
Weymouth's men. His patent, dated December 30, 1622, is printed in the 
Prince Society's Gorges, II. 61-54. 


sengers and families, intending ther to begine a plantation; 
and pitched upon the place Mr. Weston's people had for- 
saken. He had a commission from the Counsell of New- 
England, to be generall Gove"^ of the cuntrie, and they 
appoynted for his coimsell and assistance, Captaine Francis 
West, the aforesaid admirall, Christopher Levite, Esquire,' 
and the Gov"^ of PUmoth for the time beeing, etc. AUso, 
they gave him authoritie to chuse such other as he should 
find fit. Allso, they gave (by their commission) full power 
to him and his assistants, or any 3. of them, wherof him selfe 
was allway to be one, to doe and execute what to them should 
seeme good, in all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, etc., 
with diverce other instructions. Of which, and his comission, 
it pleased him to suffer the Gov'' hear to take a coppy. 

He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but before 
they could visite him he went to the eastward with the ship 
he came in; but a storme arising, (and they wanting a good 
pilot to harbor them in those parts,) they bore up for this 
harbor. He and his men were hear kindly entertained; he 
stayed hear 14. days. In the mean time came in Mr. Weston 
with his small ship, which he had now recovered. Captaine 
Gorges tooke hold of the opportunitie, and acquainted the 
Gov"^ hear, that one occasion of his going to the eastward 
was to meete with Mr. Weston, and call him to accoxmte for 
some abuses he had to lay to his charge. Wherupon he called 
him before him, and some other of his assistants, with the 
Gov"" of this place; and charged him, first, with the ille 
carriage of his men at the Massachusets ; by which means the 
peace of the cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe and the people 
which he had brought over to plante in that bay were therby 
much prejudised. To this Mr. Weston easily answered, that 
what was that way done, was in his absence, and might have 

' Christopher Levite (Levett) came to New England in 1623 and explored 
its eastern coast with a view to a settlement. On his return to England in 1624 
he published an account of his voyage, which has been reprinted by the Gorges 


befalen any man ; he left them sufficently provided, and con- 
ceived they would have been well governed; and for any 
errour committed he had sufficiently smarted. This par- 
ticuler was passed by. A 2^. was, for an abuse done to his 
father, Sr. Ferdenando Gorges, and to the State. The thing 
was this; he used him and others of the Counsell of New- 
England, to procure him a licence for the transporting of 
many peeces of great ordnance for New-England, pretending 
great fortification hear in the countrie, and I know not what 
shipping. The which when he had obtained, he went and 
sould them beyond seas for his private profite ; for which (he 
said) the State was much offended, and his father suffered a 
shrowd check, and he had order to apprehend him for it. Mr. 
Weston excused it as well as he could, but could not deney it; 
it being one maine thing (as was said) for which he with-drew 
himself. But after many passages, by the mediation of the 
Gov"" and some other freinds hear, he was inclined to 
gentlnes (though he aprehended the abuse of his father 
deeply); which, when Mr. Weston saw, he grew more pre- 
sumptuous, and gave such provocking and cutting speches, as 
made him rise up in great indignation and distemper, and 
vowed that he would either ciu-b him, or send him home for 
England. At which Mr. Weston was something danted, and 
came privatly to the Gov' hear, to know whether they 
would suffer Captaine Gorges to apprehend him. He was 
tould they could not hinder him, but much blamed him, that 
after they had pacified things, he should thus breake out, by 
his owne folly and rashnes, to bring trouble upon him selfe 
and them too. He confest it was his passion, and prayd the 
Gov'' to entreat for him, and pacifie him if he could. The 
which at last he did, with much adoe ; so he was called againe, 
and the Gov'' was contente to take his owne bond to be 
ready to make further answer, when either he or the lords 
should send for him. And at last he tooke only his word, and 
ther was a freindly parting on all hands. 


But after he was gone, Mr. Weston in lue of thanks to the 
Gov"^ and his freinds hear, gave them this quib (behind 
their baks) for all their pains. That though they were but 
yonge justices, yet they wear good beggers. Thus they parted 
at this time, and shortly after the Gov"" tooke his leave 
and went to the Massachusets by land, being very thankfull 
for his kind entertaiaemente. The ship stayed hear, and 
fitted her selfe to goe for Virginia, having some passengers 
ther to deliver; and with her retimied sundrie of those from 
hence which came over on their perticuler, some out of dis- 
contente and dislike of the cuntrie ; others by reason of a fire 
that broke out, and burnt the houses they lived in, and all 
their provisions so as they were necessitated therunto. This 
fire was occasioned by some of the sea-men that were roy- 
stering in a house wher it first begane, makeing a great fire 
in very could weather, which broke out of the chimney into 
the thatch, and bmnte downe 3. or 4. houses, and consumed 
all the goods and provissions in them. The house in which 
it begane was right against their store-house, which they had 
much adoe to save, in which were their commone store and 
all their provissions ; the which if it had been lost, the planta- 
tion had been overthrowne. But through Gods mercie it was 
saved by the great dilhgence of the people, and care of the 
Gov' and some aboute him. Some would have had the 
goods- throwne out; but if they had, ther would much have 
been stolne by the rude company that belonged to these 2. 
ships, which were allmost all ashore. But a trusty company 
was plased within, as well as those that with wet-cloaths and 
other means kept of the fire without, that if necessitie required 
they might have them out with all speed. For they suspected 
some maUcious dealing, if not plaine treacherie, and whether 
it was only suspition or no, God knows; but this is certaine, 
that when the tumulte was greatest, ther was a voyce heard 
(but from whom it was not knowne) that bid them looke well 
aboute them, for all were not freinds that were near them. 


And shortly after, when the vemencie of the fire was over, 
smoke was seen to arise within a shed that was joynd to the 
end of the store-house, which was watled up with bowes, in 
the withered leaves wherof the fire was kindled, which some, 
running to quench, found a longe firebrand of an ell longe, 
lying under the wale on the inside, which could not possibly 
come their by cassualtie, but must be laid ther by some hand, 
in the judgmente of all that saw it. But God kept them from 
this deanger, what ever was intended. 

Shortly after Captaine Gorges, the generall Gov'', was 
come home to the Massachusets, he sends a warrante to arrest 
Mr. Weston and his ship, and sends a m'' to bring her away 
thither, and one Captain Hanson (that belonged to him) to 
conducte him along. The Gov'' and others hear were very 
sory to see him take this course, and tooke exception at the 
warrante, as not legall nor sufficiente; and withall write to 
him to disswade him from this course, shewing him that he 
would but entangle and burthen him selfe in doing this; for 
he could not doe Mr. Weston a better turne, (as things stood 
with him) ; for he had a great many men that belonged to him 
in this barke, and was deeply ingaged to them for wages, and 
was in a manner out of victails (and now winter) ; all which 
would hght upon him, if he did arrest his barke. In the mean 
time Mr. Weston had notice to shift for him selfe ; but it was 
conceived he either knew not whither to goe, or how to mend 
him selfe, but was rather glad of the occasion, and so stirred 
not. But the Gov'' would not be perswaded, but sent a 
very formall warrente under his hand and seall, with strict 
charge as they would answere it to the state; he also write 
that he had better considered of things since he was hear, and 
he could not answer it to let him goe so ; besids other things 
that were come to his knowledg since, which he must answer 
too. So he was suffered to proceede, but he found in the 
end that to be true that was tould him; for when an inven- 
torie was taken of what was in the ship, ther was not vitailes 


found for above 14. days, at a fare allowance, and not much 
else of any great worth, and the men did so crie out of him 
for wages and diate, in the mean time, as made him soone 
weary. So as in conclusion it turned to his loss, and the ex- 
pence of his owne provissions; and towards the spring they 
came to agreement, (after they had bene to the eastward,) 
and the Gov'' restord him his vessell againe, and made 
him satisfaction, in bisket, meal, and such like provissions, 
for what he had made use of that was his, or what his men 
had any way wasted or consumed. So Mr. Weston came 
hither againe, and afterward shaped his course for Virginie, 
and so for present I shall leave him.' 

The Gov'' and some that depended upon him returned 
for England, haveing scarcly saluted the cuntrie in his Gover- 
mente, not finding the state of things hear to answer his 
quaUitie and condition. The peopl dispersed them selves, 
some went for England, others for Virginia, some few re- 
mained, and were helped with supphes from hence. The 
Gov' brought over a minister with him, one Mr. Morell, 
who, about a year after the Gov"" returned, tooke shipping 
from hence.^ He had I know not what power and authority 
of superintendancie over other churches granted him, and 
sundrie instructions for that end; but he never shewed it, 
or made any use of it; (it should seeme he saw it was in 
vaine;) he only speake of it to some hear at his going 
away. This was in effect the end of a 2. plantation in that 
place. Ther were allso this year some scatering beginings 
made in other places, as at Paskataway, by Mr. David 

• "He dyed afterwards at Bristol!, in the time of the warrs, of the sicknes in 
that place." (Br.) 

^ Rev. William Morell came over with Robert Gorges with a commission to 
regulate the religious affairs of the country and to compel the people to conform 
to the Church of England. Finding httle encouragement he abandoned his 
mission and spent a year in Wessagusset without disclosing until his final de- 
parture the purpose of his coming. After his return to England he published a 
Latm poem giving an account of his observations, which was published in the 
first volume of the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 


Thomson, at Monhigen, and some other places by sundrie 

It rests now that I speake a word aboute the pinnass spoken 
of before, which was sent by the adventurers to be imployed 
in the cimtrie. She was a fine vessell, and bravely set out,^ 
and I fear the adventurers did over pride them selves in her, 
for she had ill success. How ever, they erred grosly in tow 
things aboute her; first, though she had a sufficiente maister, 
yet she was rudly manned,^ and all her men were upon shars, 
and none was to have any wages but the m''. 2^^, wheras 
they mainly lookt at trade, they had sent nothing of any 
value to trade with. When the men came hear, and mette 
with ill counsell from Mr. Weston and his crue, with others 
of the same stampe, neither m'' nor Gov'' could scarce rule 
them, for they exclaimed that they were abused and deceived, 
for they were tould they should goe for a man of warr, and 
take I know not whom, French and Spaniards, etc. They 
would neither trade nor fish, excepte they had wages; in 
fine, they would obey no command of the maisters; so it 
was apprehended they would either rune away with the ves- 
sell, or get away with the ships, and leave her; so as Mr. 
Peirce and others of their freinds perswaded the Gov"" to 
chaing their condition, and give them wages; which was ac- 
cordingly done. And she was sente about the Cape to the 
Narigansets to trade, but they made but a poore vioage of it. 
Some come and beaver they got, but the Dutch used to fur- 
nish them with cloath and better commodities, they haveing 
only a few beads and knives, which were not ther much es- 
teemed. Allso, in her returne home, at the very entrance into 
ther owne harbore, she had like to have been cast away in a 

' David Thompson was a Scotsman, and agent of Mason and Gorges. In 
the spring of 1623 he began a settlement at Little Harbor, near the mouth of the 
Piscataqua, and near the present site of Portsmouth. About 1626 he took pos- 
session of the island in Boston harbor still called Thompson's Island; indeed 
he may have occupied it before his settlement at Paskataway. 

' " With her flages, and streamers, pendents, and wastcloaths, etc." (Br.) 

' See American Historical Review, VIII. 295. 


storme, and was forced to cut her maine mast by the bord, 
to save herselfe from driving on the flats that lye without, 
caled Browns Hands/ the force of the wind being so great as 
made her anchors give way and she drive right upon them; 
but her mast and takhng being gone, they held her till the 
wind shifted. 

Anno Dom: 1624. 

The time of new election of ther officers for this year being 
come, and the number of their people increased, and their 
troubls and occasions therwith, the Gov"" desired them to 
chainge the persons, as well as renew the election f and also 
to adde more Assistans to the Gov"" for help and coimsell, 
and the better carrying on of affairs. Showing that it was 
necessarie it should be so. If it was any honour or benefite, 
it was fitte others should be made pertakers of it ; if it was a 
burthen, (as doubtles it was,) it was but equall others should 
help to bear it; and that this was the end^ of Annuall Elec- 
tions. The issue was, that as before ther was but one As- 
sistante, they now chose 5. giving the Gov"^ a duble voyce; 
and aftwards they increased them to 7. which course hath 
continued to this day. 

They having with some truble and charge new-masted and 
rigged their pinass, in the begining of March they sent her well 
vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She arrived safly at a 
place near Damarins cove,* and was there well harbored in a 
place wher ships used to ride, ther being also some ships all- 
ready arived out of England. But shortly after ther arose 
such a violent and extraordinarie storme, as the seas broak 
over such places in the harbor as was never seene before, and 
drive her against great roks, which beat such a hole in her 
buike, as a horse and carte might have gone in, and after 

' Brown's Island is a sand-bar in the outer harbor of Plymouth, which a 
false tradition says was once an island. See Champlain's map. 
' Bradford was not permitted to retire. 
^ Purpose. * See p. 128, note 1. 


drive her into deep-water, wher she lay sunke. The m''. 
was drowned, the rest of the men, all save one, saved their 
lives, with much a doe; all her provision, salt, and what els 
was in her, was lost. And here I must leave her to lye till 

Some of those that still remained hear on their perticuler, 
begane privatly to nurish a faction, and being privie to a strong 
faction that was among the adventurers in England, on whom 
sundry of them did depend, by their private whispering they 
drew some of the weaker sorte of the company to their side, 
and so filld them with discontente, as nothing would satisfie 
them excepte they might be suffered to be in their perticuler 
allso ; and made great offers, so they might be freed from the 
generall. The Gov'' consulting with the ablest of the gen- 
erall body what was best to be done hear in, it was resolved 
to permitte them so to doe, upon equall conditions. The con- 
ditions were the same in effect with the former before related. 
Only some more added, as that they should be bound here to 
remaine till the generall partnership was ended. And also 
that they should pay into the store, the on halfe of all such 
goods and comodities as they should any waise raise above 
their food, in consideration of what charg had been layed out 
for them, with some such hke things. This liberty granted, 
soone stopt this gape, for ther was but a few that undertooke 
this course when it came too ; and they were as sone weary of 
it. For the other had perswaded them, and Mr. Weston to- 
geather, that ther would never come more supply to the gen- 
erall body; but the perticulers had such freinds as would carry 
all, and doe for them I know not what. 

Shortly after, Mr, Winslow came over, and brought a 
prety good supply, and the ship came on fishing, a thing 
fatall to this plantation. He brought 3. heifers and a bull, 
the first begining of any catle of that kind in the land, with 
some cloathing and other necessaries, as will further appear; 
but withall the reporte of a strong faction amongst the ad- 


venture[r]s against them, and espetially against the coming 
of the rest from Leyden, and with what difficulty this supply 
was procured, and how, by their strong and long opposision, 
bussines was so retarded as not only they were now falne too 
late for the fishing season, but the best men were taken up of 
the fishermen in the west countrie, and he was forct to take 
such a m"". and company for that imployment as he could 
procure upon the present. Some letters from them shall beter 
declare these things, being as foUoweth. 

Most worthy and loving freinds, your kind and loving leters I have 
received, and render you many thanks, etc. It hath plased God to stirre 
up the harts of our adventure[r]s to raise a new stock for the seting forth 
of this shipe, caled the Charitie, with men and necessaries, both for the 
plantation and the fishing, though accomplished with very great diffi- 
culty; in regard we have some amongst us which undoubtedly aime more 
at their owns private ends, and the thwarting and opposing of some hear, 
and other worthy instruments,' of Gods glory elswher, then at the general! 
good and furtherance of this noble and laudable action. Yet againe we 
have many other, and I hope the greatest parte, very honest Christian 
men, which I am perswaded their ends and intents are wholy for the 
glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the propagation of his gospell, and hope 
of gaining those poore salvages to the knowledg of God. But, as we have 
a proverbe. One seabed sheep may marr a whole flock, so these malecon- 
tented persons, and turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to withdraw 
mens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even from the generall bussines ; 
and yet under show and pretence of godlynes and furtherance of the 
plantation. Wheras the quite contrary doth plainly appeare; as some 
of the honester harted men (though of late of their faction) did make 
manifest at our late meeting. But what should I trouble you or my selfe 
with these restles opposers of all goodnes, and I doubte will be continuall 
disturbers of our frendly meetings and love. On Thurs-day the 8. of 
Jan: we had a meeting aboute the artickls betweene you and us; wher 
thej would rejecte that, which we in our late leters prest you to grante, 
(an addition to the time of our joynt stock). And their reason which they 
would make known to us was, it trobled their conscience to exacte longer 
time of you then was agreed upon at the first. But that night they were 
so followed and crost of their perverse courses, as they were even wearied, 
and offered to sell their adventurs ; and some were willing to buy. But I, 
« "He means Mr. Robinson." (Br.) 


doubting they would raise more scandale and false reports, and so diverse 
waise doe us more hurt, by going of in such a furie, then they could or can 
by continuing adventurers amongst us, v^^ould not suffer them. But on 
the 12. of Jan: we had another meting, but in the interime diverse of 
us had talked with most of them privatly, and had great combats and 
reasoning, pro and con. But at night when we mete to read the generall 
letter, we had the loveingest and f rendlyest meeting that ever I knew ' and 
our greatest enemise offered to lend us 50li. So I sent for a potle of wine, 
(I would you could ^ doe the like,) which we dranke freindly together. 
Thus God can turne the harts of men when it pleaseth him, etc. Thus 
loving freinds, I hartily salute you all in the Lord, hoping ever to rest, 

Yours to my power, 
Jan: 25. 1623. James Sheeley.' 

Another leter. 

Beloved Sr., etc. We have now sent you, we hope, men and means, 
to setle these 3. things, viz. fishing, salt making, and boat making; if you 
can bring them to pass to some perfection, your wants may be supplyed. 
I pray you bend you selfe what you can to setle these bussinesses. Let 
the ship be fraught away as soone as you can, and sent to Bilbow.* You 
must send some discreete man for factore, whom, once more, you must 
also authorise to confirme the conditions. If Mr. Winslow could be 
spared, I could wish he came againe. This ship carpenter is thought to 
be the fittest man for you in the land, and will no doubte doe you much 
good. Let him have an absolute comand over his servants and such as 
you put to him. Let him build you 2. catches, a lighter, and some 6. or 
7. shalops, as soone as you can. The salt-man is a skillfull and indus- 
trious man, put some to him, that may quickly apprehende the misterie 
of it. The preacher we have sent is (we hope) an honest plaine man, 
though none of the most eminente and rare. Aboute chusing him into 

' " But this lasted not long, they had now provided Lyford and others to 
send over." (Br.) 

' "It is worthy to be observed, how the Lord doth chaing times and things; 
for what is now more plentiful} then wine? and that of the best, coming from 
Malago, the Cannaries, and other places, sundry ships lading in a year. So as 
ther is now more cause to complaine of the excess and the abuse of wine (through 
mens corruption) even to drunkennes, then of any defecte or wante of the same. 
Witnes this year 1646. The good Lord lay not the sins and unthankfullnes of 
men to their charge in this perticuler." (Br.) 

^ James Shirley, "citizen and goldsmith," of London, was the treasurer of 
the merchant adventurers. The date is of course 1624 in new style. 

* Bilbao, on the north coast of Spain. 


office use your owne liberty and discretion; he knows he is no officer 
amongst you, though perhaps custome and universalitie may make him 
forget him selfe. Mr. Winslow and my selfe gave way to his going, to 
give contente to some hear, and we see no hurt in it, but only his great 
charge of children. 

We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne, etc.^ I am sory ther is no 
more discretion used by some in their leters hither.^ Some say you are 
starved in body and soule; others, that you eate piggs and doggs, that dye 
alone; others, that the things hear spoaken of, the goodnes of the cuntry, 
are gross and palpable lyes ; that ther is scarce a foule to be seene, or a 
fish to be taken, and many such like. I would such discontented men 
were hear againe, for it is a miserie when the whole state of a plantation 
shall be thus exposed to the passionate humors of some discontented men. 
And for my selfe I shall hinder for hearafter some that would goe, and 
have not better composed their affections ; mean space it is all our crosses, 
and we must bear them. 

I am sorie we have not sent you morS and other things, but in truth 
we have rune into so much charge, to victaile the ship, provide salte and 
other fishing implements, etc. as we could not provid other comfortable 
things, as buter, suger, etc. I hope the returne of this ship and the 
James,^ will put us in cash againe. The Lord make you full of courage 
in this troublesome bussines, which now must be stuck unto, till God give 
us rest from our labours. Fare well in all harty affection. 

Your assured freind, 

Jan: 24. 1623. R. C 

With the former lettter write by Mr. Sherley, there were 
sente sundrie objections concerning which he thus writeth. 
"These are the cheefe objections which they that are now 
returned make against you and the countrie. I pray you 
consider them, and answer them by the first conveniencie." 
These objections were made by some of those that came over 

' The Council for New England had attempted to divide its coast among 
themselves individually. The patent alluded to was executed by Lord Sheffield 
in favor of Eobert Cushman and Edward Winslow, for themselves and their 
associates, and bore date of January 1, 1623-4. Its text is given in J. W. Thorn- 
ton, The Landing at Cafe Anne, pp. 31-35. See also American Historical 
Review, VIH. 296. 

' "This was John Oldome and his like." (Br.) 

' The Litde James was the pinnace which had accompanied the Anm. 

* Robert Cushman. 


on their perticuler' and were returned home, as is before 
mentioned, and were of the same suite with those that this 
other letter mentions. 

I shall here set them downe, with the answers then made 
imto them, and sent over at the retume of this ship ; which 
did so confound the objecters, as some confessed their falte, 
and others deneyed what they had said, and eate their words, 
and some others of them have since come over againe and 
heere hved to convince them selves sufficiently, both in their 
owne and other mens judgments. 

1. obj. was diversitie aboute Rehgion. Ans: We know 
no such matter, for here was never any controversie or oppo- 
sition, either pubUcke or private, (to, our knowledg,) since we 

2. ob: Neglecte of famihe duties, one the Lords day. 
Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in our selves 

and others; and they that thus reporte it, should have shewed 
their Christian love the more if they had in love tould the 
offenders of it, rather then thus to reproach them behind their 
baks. But (to say no more) we wish them selves had given 
better example. 

3. ob: Wante of both the sacrements. 

Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is kept from 
us, by whom we might injoye them; for we used to have the 
Lords Supper every Saboth, and baptisme as often as ther was 
occasion of children to baptise. 

4. ob: Children not catechised nor taught to read. 

Ans: Neither is true; for diverse take pains with their 
owne as they can; indeede, we have no commone schools for 
want of a fitt person, or hithertoo means to maintaine one; 
though we desire now to begine. 

5. ob: Many of the perticuler members of the plantation 
will not work for the generall. 

Ans: This allso is not wholy true; for though some doe it 

' On their own account. 


not willingly, and other not honestly, yet all doe it; and he 
that doth worst gets his owne foode and something besids. 
But we will not excuse them, but labour to reforme them the 
best we cane, or else to quitte the plantation of them. 

6. ob: The water is not wholsome. 

Ans: If they mean, not so wholsome as the good beere and 
wine in London, (which they so dearly love,) we will not dis- 
pute with them; but els, for water, it is as good as any in the 
world, (for ought we knowe,) and it is wholsome enough to 
us that can be contente therwith. 

7. ob: The groimd is barren and doth bear no grasse. 
Ans: It is hear (as in all places) some better and some 

worse; and if they well consider their words, in England 
they shall not find such grasse in them, as in their feelds 
and meadows. The catle find grasse, for they are as fatt 
as need be; we wish we had but one for every hundred 
that hear is grase to keep. Indeed, this objection, as some 
other, are ridiculous to all here which see and know the 

8. ob: The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete. 

Ans: This is as true as that which was written, that ther 
is scarce a foule to be scene or a fish to be taken. Things hkly 
to be true in a cimtrie wher so many sayle of ships come 
yearly a fishing ; they might as well say, there can no aile or 
beere in London be kept from sowering. 

9. ob: Many of them are theevish and steale on from an 

Ans: Would London had been free from that crime, then 
we should not have been trobled with these here; it is well 
knowne sundrie have smarted well for it, and so are the rest 
like to doe, if they be taken. 

10. ob: The countrie is anoyed with foxes and woules.' 
Ans: So are many other good cuntries too; but poyson, 

traps, and other such means will help to destroy them. 

I ' Wolves. 


IL ob: The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay/ and 
are hkely to overthrow the trade. 

Ans : They will come and plante in these parts, also, if we 
and others doe not, but goe home and leave it to them. We 
rather corhmend them, then condemne them for it. 

12. ob: The people are much anoyed with muskeetoes. 

Ans: They are too delicate and imfitte to begine new- 
plantations and collonies, that cannot enduer the biting of a 
muskeeto ; we would wish such to keepeat home till at least they 
be muskeeto proofe. Yet this place is as free as any, and ex- 
perience teacheth that the more the land is tild, and the woods 
cut downe, the fewer ther will be, and in the end scarseanyat all. 

Having thus dispatcht these things, that I may handle things 
togeather, I shall here inserte 2. other letters from Mr. Robinson 
their pastor; the one to the Gov'', the other to Mr. Brewster 
their Elder, which will give much Ught to the former things; and 
express the tender love and care of a true pastor over them. 

Hii leter to the Gov^. 

My loving and much beloved freind, whom God hath hithertoo pre- 
served, preserve and keepe you still to his glorie, and the good of many; 
that his blessing may make your godly and v/ise endeavours answerable 
to the valuation which they ther have, and set upon the same. Of your 
love too and care for us here, we never doubted; so are we glad to take 
knowledg of it in that fullnes we doe. Our love and care to and for you, 
is mutuall, though our hopes of coming unto you be small, and weaker 
then ever. But of this at large in Mr. Brewsters letter, with whom you, 
and he with you, mutualy, I know, comunicate your letters, as I desire 
you may doe these, etc. 

Concerning the killing of those poor Indeans, of which we heard at 
first by reporte, and since by more certaine relation, oh! how happy a 
thing had it been, if you had converted some, before you had killed any; 
besids, wher bloud is one begune to be shed, it is seldome stanched 
of a long time after. You will say they deserved it. I grant it; but 
upon what provocations and invitments by those heathenish Chris- 

' Hudson's River is no doubt meant. Permanent settlement at its mouth 
has been supposed to have begun in 1623, but a trading post had been estab- 
lished there some years before that date. 


tians ? * Besids, you, being no magLstrats over them, were to consider, not 
what they deserved, but what you were by necessitie constrained to inflicte. 
Necessitie of this, espetially of killing so many, (and many more, it seems, 
they would, if they could,) I see not. Methinks on or tow principals should 
have been full enough, according to that approved rule. The punishmente to 
a few, and the fear to many. Upon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte 
you seriouly to consider of the dispossition of your Captaine,^ whom I 
love, and am perswaded the Lord in great mercie and for much good hath 
sent you him, if you use him aright. He is a man humble and meek 
amongst you, and towards all in ordinarie course. But now if this be 
meerly from an humane spirite, tlier is cause to fear that by occasion, 
espetially of provocation, ther may be wanting that tendernes of the life of 
man (made after Gods image) which is meete. It is also a thing more glori- 
ous in mens eyes, then pleasing in Gods, or conveniente for Christians, to 
be a terrour to poore barbarous people; and indeed I am afraid least, by 
these occasions, others should be drawne to affecte a kind of rufling course 
in the world. I doubt not but you will take in good part these things which 
I write, and as ther is cause make use of them. It were to us more com- 
fortable and convenient, that we comunicated our mutuall helps in pres- 
ence, but seeing that canot be done, we shall always long after you, and 
love you, and waite Gods apoynted time. The adventurers it seems have 
neither money nor any great mind of us, for the most parte. They deney 
it to be any part of the covenants betwixte us, that they should transporte 
us, neither doe I looke for any further help from them, till means come from 
you. We hear are strangers in effecte to the whole course, and so both we 
and you (save as your owne wisdoms and worths have intressed you 
further) of principals intended in this bussines, are scarce accessaries, etc. 
My wife, with me, resalute you and yours. Unto him who is the same to his 
in all places, and nere to them which are f arr from one an other, I comend 
you and all with you, resting. Yours truly loving, 

Leyden, Des: 19. 1623. John Robinson. 

His to Mr. Brewster. 

Loving and dear f reind and brother : That which I most desired of God 
in regard of you, namly, the continuance of your life and health, and the 
safe coming of these sent unto you, that I most gladly hear of, and praise 
God for the same. And I hope Mrs. Brewsters weake and decayed state 
of body will have some reparing by the coming of her daughters, and the 
protsdssions in this and former ships, I hear is made for you; which maks 
' • "Mr. Westons men." (Br.) ' Standish. 


us with more patience bear our languishing state, and the deferring of our 
desired transportation; which I call desired, rather than hoped for, 
whatsoever you are borne in hand by any others. For first, ther is no 
hope at all, that I know, or can -conceive of, of any new stock to be raised 
for that end; so that all must depend upon returns from you, in which 
are so many uncertainties, as that nothing with any certaintie can thence 
be concluded. Besids, howsoever for the presente the adventurers aledg 
nothing but want of money, which is an invincible dif culty, yet if that be 
taken away by you, others vidthout doubte will be found. For the beter 
clearing of this, we must dispose the adventurers into 3. parts; and of 
them some 5. or 6. (as I conceive) are absolutly bent for us, above any 
others. Other 5. or 6. are oiu- bitter professed adversaries. The rest, 
being the body, I conceive to be honestly minded, and loveingly also to- 
wards us; yet such as have others (namly the forward preachers) nerer 
unto them, then us, and whose course so farr as ther is any diflerance, 
they would rather advance then ours. Now what a hanck ' these men 
have over the professors, you know. And I perswade my selfe, that for 
me, they of all others are unwilling I should be transported, espetially such 
of them as have an eye that way them selves ; as thinking if I come ther, 
ther market will be mard in many regards. And for these adversaries, 
if they have but halfe the witte to their malice, they vnll stope my course 
when they see it intended, for which this delaying serveth them very op- 
portunly. And as one restie jade can hinder, by hanging back, more 
then two or 3. can (or will at least, if they be not very free) draw for- 
ward, so will it be in this case. A notable experimente of this, they 
gave in your messengers presence, constraining the company to promise 
that none of the money now gathered should be expended or imployed to 
the help of any of us towards you. Now touching the question propound- 
ed by you, I judg it not lawfuU for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom. 12. 
7. 8. and 1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach and exhorte and 
labore in the word and doctrine, to which the sacrements are annexed, 
to administer them, nor convenient if it were lawful!. Whether any 
lamed man will come unto you or not, I know not; if any doe, you must 
Consilium capere in arena^ Be you most hartily saluted, and your wife 
with you, both from me and mine: Your God and ours, and the God 
of all his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep us in the mean while, 
and allways to his glory, and make us servisable to his majestie, and 

faithfull to the end. Amen. .,,. , . , , 

Your very lovmg brother, 

Leyden, Des: 20. 1623. John Robinson. 

' Hold. ' Take counsel at the moment, or on the spot. . 


These things premised, I shall now prosecute the proced- 
ings and afairs here. And before I come to other things I 
must speak a word of their planting this year; they having 
found the benifite of their last years harvest, and setting 
corne for their particuler, having therby with a great deale of 
patience overcome hunger and famine. Which maks me re- 
member a saing of Senecas, Epis: 123. That a great parte of 
libertie is a well governed belly, and to be patiente in all wants. 
They begane now highly to prise come as more pretious then 
silver, and those that had some to spare begane to trade one 
with another for smale things, by the quarte, potle, and peck, 
etc.; for money they had none, and if any had, corne was 
prefered before it. That they might therfore encrease their 
tillage to better advantage, they made suite to the Gov"^ 
to have some portion of land given them for continuance, and 
not by yearly lotte, for by that means, that which the more 
industrious had brought into good culture (by much pains) 
one year, came to leave it the nexte, and often another might 
injoye it; so as the dressing of their lands were the more 
sleighted over, and to lese profite. Which being well con- 
sidered, their request was granted. And to every person was 
given only one acrre of land, to them and theirs, as nere the 
towne as might be, and they had no more till the 7. years were 
expired. The reason was, that they might be kept close to- 
gether both for more saftie and defence, and the better im- 
provement of the generall imployments. Which condition of 
theirs did make me often thinke, of what I had read in Phnie^ 
of the Romans first beginings in Romulus time. How every 
man contented him selfe with 2. Acres of land, and had no 
more assigned them. And chap. 3. It was thought a great 
reward, to receive at the hands of the people of Rome a pinte 
of corne. And long after, the greatest presente given to a 
Captaine that had gotte a victory over their enemise, was as 

»"Plin: lib: 18. chap. 2." (Br.) The reference is to Pliny's Natural 


much ground as they could till in one day. And he was not 
counted a good, but a dangerous man, that would not contente 
him selfe with 7. Acres of land. As also how they did pound 
their corne in morters, as these people were forcte to doe 
many years before they could get a mille. 

The ship which brought this supply,^ was speedily dis- 
charged, and with her m''. and company sente to Cap-Anne 
(of which place they had gott a patente, as before is shewed) 
on fishing, and because the season was so farr spente some of 
the planters were sent to help to build their stage,^ to their owne 
hinderance. But partly by the latenes of the year, and more 
espetialy by the basnes of the m''., one 'Baker, they made a 
poore viage of it. He proved a very drunken beast, and did 
nothing (in a maner) but drink, and gusle, and consume away 
the time and his victails ; and most of his company followed 
his example ; and though Mr. WiUiam Peirce was to over see 
the busines, and to be m''. of the ship home, yet he could 
doe no good amongst them, so as the loss was great, and 
would have bene more to them, but that they kept one a 
trading ther, which in those times got some store of skins, 
which was some help unto them. 

The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was an honest and 
very industrious man, and followed his labour very dilhgently, 
and made all that were imployed with him doe the like; he 
quickly builte them 2 very good and strong shalops (which 
after did them greate service), and a great and strong lighter, 
and had hewne timber for 2. catches; but that was lost, for 
he fell into a feaver in the hote season of the year, and though 
he had the best means the place could aforde, yet he dyed; 
of whom they had a very great loss, and were very sorie for his 
death. But he whom they sent to make salte was an ignorante, 
foolish, self-willd fellow; he bore them in hand he could doe 
great matters in making salt-works, so he was sente to seeke 
out fitte ground for his purpose; and after some serch hetould 

' The Charity. ' Frames or scaffolds for drying fish. 


the Gov"" that he had found a sufficente place, with a good 
botome to hold water, and otherwise very conveniente, 
which he doubted not but in a short time to bring to good 
perfection, and to yeeld them great profite ; but he must have 
8. or ten men to be constantly imployed. He was wisht to 
be sure that the ground was good, and other' things answer- 
able, and that he could bring it to perfection; otherwise he 
would bring upon them a great charge by imploying him selfe 
and so many men. But he was, after some triall, so confidente, 
as he caused them to send carpenters to rear a great frame 
for a large house, to receive the salte and such other uses. 
But in the end all proved vaine. Then he layed fault of the 
ground, in which he was deceived; but if he might have the 
Ughter to cary clay, he was sure then he could doe it. Now 
though the Gov"" and some other foresaw that this would 
come to litle, yet they had so many mahgnant spirits amongst 
them, that would have laid it upon them, in their letters of 
complainte to the adventurers, as to be their falte that would 
not suffer him to goe on to bring his work to perfection; for 
as he by his bould confidence and large promises deceived 
them in England that sente him, so he had wound him selfe in 
to these mens high esteeme hear, so as they were faine to let 
him goe on till all men saw his vanity. For he could not doe 
any thing but boyle salt in pans, and yet would make them 
that were joynd with him beleeve ther was so grat a misterie 
in it as was not easie to be attained, and made them doe many 
unnecessary things to bUnd their eys, till they discerned his 
sutltie. The next yere he was sente to Cap- Anne, and the 
pans were set up ther wher the fishing was; but before som- 
mer was out, he bumte the house, and the fire was so vehe- 
mente as it spoyld the pans, at least some of them, and this 
was the end of that chargable bussines. 

The 3*^- eminente person (which the letters before men- 
tion) was the minister which they sent over, by name Mr. 
j^ohn Lyford, of whom and whose doing I must be more large, 


though I shall abridg things as much as I can. When this 
man first came a shore, he saluted them with that reverence 
and humiUtie as is seldome to be seen, and indeed made them 
ashamed, he so bowed and cringed imto them, and would have 
kissed their hands if they would have suffered him;' yea, he 
wept and shed many tears, blessing God that had brought him 
to see their faces ; and admiring the things they had done in 
their wants, etc. as if he had been made all of love, and the 
humblest person in the world. And all the while (if we may 
judg by his after cariags) he was but hke him mentioned in 
Psa: 10. 10. That croucheth and boweth, that heaps of poore 
may fall by his might. Or Hke to that dissembling Ishmaell,^ 
who, when he had slaine GedeUa, went out weeping and mette 
them that were coming to offer incence in the house of the 
Lord; saing, Come to GedeUa, when he ment to slay them. 
They gave him the best entertainment they could, (in all 
simpUsitie,) and a larger alowans of food out of the store then 
any other had, and as the Gov'' had used in all waightie 
affairs to- consulte with their Elder, Mr. Brewster, (togeither 
with his assistants,) so now he caled Mr. Liford also to counsell 
with them in their waightiest bussineses. After some short 
time- he desired to joyne himself e a member to the church hear, 
and was accordingly received. He made a large confession of 
his faith, and an acknowledgemente of his former disorderly 
walking, and his being intangled with many corruptions, which 
had been a burthen to his conscience, and blessed God for this 
opportimitie of freedom and hbertie to injoye the ordinances 
of God in puritie among his people, with many more such like 
expressions. I must hear speake a word also of Mr. John 
Oldom, who was a copartner with him in his after courses. 
He had bene a cheefe sticler in the former faction among the 
perticulers, and an intelUgencer to those in England. But 
now, since the coming of this ship and he saw the supply that 
came, he tooke occasion to open his minde to some of the 

• " Of which were many witneses." (Br.) » " Jer. 41. 6." (Br.) 


cheefe amongst them heere, and confessed he had done them 
wrong both by word and deed, and writing into England; 
but he now saw the eminente hand of God to be with them, 
and his blesing upon them, which made his hart smite him, 
neither should those in England ever use him as an instru- 
mente any longer against them in any thing; he also desired 
former things might be forgotten, and that they would looke 
upon him as one that desired to close with them in all things, 
with such like expressions. Now whether this was in hipoc- 
risie, or out of some sudden pange of conviction (which I 
rather thinke), God only knows. Upon it they shew all ready- 
nes to imbrace his love, and carry towards him in all frendlynes, 
and called him to covmsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as 
the other, without any distrust at all. 

Thus all things seemed to goe very comfortably and 
smothly on amongst them, at which they did much rejoyce; 
but this lasted not long, for both Oldom and he grew very 
perverse, and shewed a spirite of great maUgnancie, drawing 
as many into faction as they could; were they never so vile 
or profane, they did nomish and back them in all their doings; 
so they would but cleave to them and speak against the 
church hear; so as ther was nothing but private meetings 
and whisperings amongst them; they feeding themselves 
and others with what they should bring to pass in England 
by the faction of their freinds their, which brought others 
as well as them selves into a fools paradise. Yet they could 
not cary so closly but much of both their doings and sayings 
were discovered, yet outwardly they still set a faire face of 

At lenght when the ship was ready to goe, it was observea 
Liford was long in writing, and sente many letters, and could 
not forbear to comunicate to his intimats such things as 
made them laugh in their sleeves, and thought he had done 
ther errand svifiiciently. The Gov"" and some other of his 
freinds knowing how things stood in England, and what hurt 


these things might doe, tooke a shalop and wente out with the 
ship a league or 2. to sea, and caled for all Lifords and Old- 
ums letters. Mr. WiUiam Peirce being m' of the ship, (and 
knew well theu* evill dealing both in England and here,) af- 
forded him all the assistance he could. He foimd above 20. 
of Lyfords letters, many of them larg, and full of slanders, and 
false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice, but to 
their ruine and utter subversion. Most of the letters they let 
pas, only tooke copys of them, but some of the most materiall 
they sent true copyes of them, and kept the originalls, least he 
should deney them, and that they might produce his owne 
hand against him. Amongst his letters they found the cop- 
pyes of tow letters which he sent inclosed in a leter of his to 
Mr. John Pemberton, a minister, and a great opposite of theirs. 
These 2. letters of which he tooke the coppyes were one of them 
write by a gentle-man in England to Mr. Brewster here, the 
other by Mr. Winslow to Mr. Robinson, in Holand, at his com- 
ing away, as the ship lay at Gravsend. They lying sealed ia 
the great cabin, (whilst Mr. Winslow was bussie aboute the 
affairs of the ship,) this slye marchante taks and opens them, 
taks these coppys, and seals them up againe; and not only 
sends the coppyes of them thus to his friend and their adver- 
sarie, but adds thertoo in the margente many scurrilous 
and flouting anotations. This ship went out towards evning, 
and in the night the Gov' returned. They were somwaht 
blanke at it, but after some weeks, when they heard nothing, 
they then were as briske as ever, thinking nothing had been 
knowne, but all was gone currente, and that the Gov"' 
went but to dispatch his owne letters. The reason why the 
Gov"" and rest concealed these things the longer, was to 
let things ripen, that they might the better* discover their 
intents and see who were their adherents. And the rather 
because amongst the rest they found a letter of one of their 
confederats, in which was writen that Mr. Oldame and Mr. 
Lyford intended a reformation in church and commone wealth; 


and, as soone as the ship was gone, they intended to joyne to- 
geather, and have the sacrements, etc. 

For Oldame, few of his leters were foiind, (for he was so 
bad a scribe as his hand was scarce legible,) yet he was as deepe 
in the mischeefe as the other. And thinking they were now 
strong enough, they begane to pick quarells at every thing. 
Oldame being called to watch (according to order) refused to 
come, fell out with the Capten, caled him raskell, and beg- 
gerly raskell, and resisted him, drew his knife at him; though 
he offered him no wrong, nor gave him no ille termes, but with 
all faimes required him to doe his duty. The Gov'', hear- 
ing the tumiilte, sent to quiet it, but he ramped more Uke a 
furious beast then a man, and cald them all treatours, and 
rebells, and other such foule language as I am ashamed to 
remember; but after he was clapt up a while, he came to him 
selfe, and with some slight punishmente was let goe upon his 
behaviour for further censure. 

But to cutt things shorte, at length it grew to this esseue, 
that Lyford with his compUcies,' without ever speaking one 
word either to the Gov"", Church, or Elder, withdrewe them 
selves and set up a pubhck meeting aparte, on the Lord's 
day; with sundry such insolente cariages, too long here to 
relate, begining now publikly to acta what privatly they had 
been long plotting. 

It was now thought high time (to prevent further mis- 
cheefe) to calle them to accounte; so the Gov"" called a 
courts and summoned the whol company to appeare. And 
then charged Lyford and Oldom with such things as they were 
guilty of. But they were stiffe, and stood resolutly upon 
the deneyall of most things, and required proofe. They first 
alledged what was write to them out of England, compared 
with their doings and practises hear; that it was evident they 
joyned in plotting against them, and disturbing their peace, 
both in respecte of their civill and church state, which was 

* Accomplices. 


most injiirious; for both they and all the world knew they 
came hither to injoye the hbertie of their conscience and the 
free use of Gods ordinances; and for that end had ventured 
their lives and passed throwgh so much hardshipe hithertoo, 
and they and their freinds had borne the charg of these begin- 
ings, which was not small. And that Lyford for his parte was 
sent over on this charge, and that both he and his great fam- 
ily was maintained on the same, and also was joyned to the 
church, and a member of them; and for him to plote against 
them and seek their ruine, was most unjust and perfidious. 
And for Oldam or any other that came over at their owne 
charge, and were on ther perticuler, seeing they were received 
in curtesie by the plantation, when they came only to seeke 
shelter and protection imder their wings, not being able to 
stand alone, that they, (according to the fable,) like the Hedg- 
hogg whom the conny in a stormy day in pittie received into 
her borrow, would not be content to take part with her, 
but in the end with her sharp pricks forst the poore conny 
to forsake her owne borrow ; so these men with the like 
injustice indevored to doe the same to thos that entertained 

Lyford denyed that he had any thing to doe with them in 
England, or knew of their courses, and made other things as 
strange that he was charged with. Then his letters were 
prodused and some of them read, at which he was struck 
mute. But Oldam begane to rage fiu-iously, because they 
had intercepted and opened his letters, threatening them in 
very high language, and in a most audacious and mutinous 
maner stood up and caled upon the people, saying, My maisters, 
wher is your harts? now shew your coiu-age, you have oft 
complained to me so and so ; now is the time, if you will doe 
any thing, I will stand by you, etc. Thinking that every one 
(knowing his humor) that had soothed and flattered him, or 
other wise in their discontente uttered any thing unto him, 
would now side with him in open rebelUon. But he was de- 


ceived, for not a man opened his mouth, but all were silent, 
being strucken with the injustice of the thing. Then the 
Gov'' turned his speech to Mr. Lyford, and asked him if he 
thought they had done evill to open his letters; but he was 
silente, and would not say a word, well knowing what they 
might reply. Then the Gov"^ shewed the people he did it as 
a magistrate, and was bound to it by his place, to prevent 
the mischeefe and rviine that this conspiracie and plots of 
theirs would bring on this poor colony. But he, besids his 
evill dealing hear, had delte trecherusly with his freinds that 
trusted him, and stole their letters and opened them, and sent 
coppies of them, with disgracefull annotations, to his freinds 
in England. And then the Gov"" produced them and his other 
letters under his owne hand, (which he could not deney,) and 
caused them to be read before all the people ; at which all his 
freinds were blanke, and had not a word to say. 

It would be too long and tedious here to inserte his letters 
(which would almost fill a volimie), though I have them by 
me. I shall only note a few of the cheefe things collected out 
of them, with the answers to them as they were then given; 
and but a few of those many, only for instance, by which the 
rest may be judged of. 

1. First, he saith, the church would have none to Uve 
hear but them selves. 2'^. Neither are any wilUng so to doe 
if they had company to five elswher. 

Ans: Their answer was, that this was false, in both the 
parts of it ; for they were willing and desirous that any honest 
men may Uve with them, that will cary them selves peacably, 
and seek the commone good, or at least doe them no hurte. 
And againe, ther are many that will not live els wher so long 
as they may Uve with them. 

2. That if ther come over any honest men that are not 
of the seperation, they will quickly distast them, etc. 

A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false callum- 
niation, for they had many amongst them that they liked 


well of, and were glad of their company; and should be of 
any such like that should come amongst them. 

3. That they excepted against him for these 2. doctrins 
raised from 2. Sam: 12. 7. First, that ministers must sume 
times perticulerly apply their doctrine to spetiall persons; 
2^y, that great men may be reproved as well as meaner. 

A. Their answer was, that both these were without either 
truth or colour of the same (as was proved to his face), and 
that they had taught and beleeved these things long before 
they knew Mr. Liford. 

4. That they utterly sought the ruine of the perticulers; 
as appeareth by this, that they would not suffer any of the 
generall either to buy or sell with them, or to exchaing one 
commoditie for another. 

Ans: This was a most malicious slander and voyd of all 
truth, as was evidently proved to him before all men; for any 
of them did both buy, sell, or exchaing with them as often as 
they had any occation. Yea, and allso both lend and give to 
them when they wanted; and this the perticuler persons 
them selves could not deney, but freely confest in open court. 
But the ground from whence this arose made it much worse, 
for he was in counsell with them. When one was called be- 
fore them, and questioned for receiving powder and bisket 
from the gimner of the small ship, which was the companys, 
and had it put in at his window in the night, and allso for 
bujdng salt of one, that had no right to it, he not only stood 
to back him (being one of these perticulers) by excusing and 
extenuating his falte, as long as he could, but upon this builds 
this mischeevous and most false slander: That because they 
would not suffer them to buy stolne goods, ergo, they sought 
their utter ruine. Bad logick for a devine. 

5. Next he writs, that he chocked them with this; that 
they turned men into their perticuler, and then sought to 
starve them, and deprive them of all means of subsistance. 

A. To this was answered, he did them manifest wrong, 


for they turned none into their perticuler; it was their owne 
importnnitie and emest desire that moved them, yea, con- 
strained them to doe it. And they apealed to the persons 
them selves for the truth hereof. And they testified the same 
against him before all present, as allso that they had no cause 
to complaine of any either hard or unkind usage. 

6. He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and 
writeth, that it was a Strang difference, that some have bene 
alowed 16K. of meale by the weeke, and others but 4Zi. And 
then (floutingly) saith, it seems some mens mouths and belUes 
are very litle and slender over others. 

Ans: This might seeme strange indeed to those to whom 
he write his leters in England, which knew not the reason of 
it ; but to him and others hear, it could not be strange, who 
knew how things stood. For the first commers had none at 
all, but hved on their corne. Those which came in the Anne, 
the August before, and were to five 13. months of the provis- 
sions they brought, had as good alowance in meal and pease 
as it would extend too, the most part of the year; but a litle 
before harvest, when they had not only fish, but other fruits 
began to come in, they had but 4K. having their hbertie to 
make their owne provisions. But some of these which came 
last, as the ship carpenter, and sawiers, the salte-men and 
others that were to follow constante imployments, and had 
not an howers time, from their hard labours, to looke for any 
thing above their alowance; they had at first, 16li. alowed 
them, and afterwards as fish, and other food coued be gott, 
they had as balemente,' to 14. and 12. yea some of them to 8. 
as the times and occasions did vary. And yet those which 
followed planting and their owne occasions, and had but 4K. 
of meall a week, lived better then the other, as was well 
knowne to all. And yet it must be remembered that Lyford 
and his had allwais the highest alowance. 

Many other things (in his letters) he accused them of, with 

Bailment, delivery of goods on trust, in advance of payment. 


many aggravations; as that he saw exseeding great wast of 
tools and vesseles; and this, when it came to be examened, 
all the instance he could give was, that he had seen an old 
hogshed or too fallen to peeces, and a broken how or tow lefte 
carlesly in the feilds by some. Though he also knew that a 
godly, honest man was appointed to looke to these things. 
But these things and such hke was write of by him, to cast 
disgrace and prejudice upon them; as thinking what came 
from a minister would pass for currente. Then he tells them 
that Winslow should say, that ther was not above 7. of the 
adventurers that souight the good of the coUony. That Mr. 
Oldam and him selfe had had much to doe with them, and that 
the faction here might match the Jesuits for pohtie. With 
many the hke greevious complaints and accusations. 

1. Then, in the next place, he comes to give his freinds 
counsell and directtion. And first, that the Leyden company 
(Mr. Robinson and the rest) must still be kepte back, or els 
all will be spoyled. And least any of them should be taken 
in privatly somewher on the coast of England, (as it was 
feared might be done,) they must chaing the m''. of the ship 
(Mr. Wilham Peirce), and put another allso in Wiaslows stead, 
for marchante,' or els it would not be prevented. 

2. Then he would have such a number provided as might 
oversway them hear. And that the perticulers should have 
voyces in all courts and elections, and be free to bear any 
office. And that every perticuler should come over as an ad- 
venturer, if he be but a servante ; some other ventiuing IQli, 
the bill may be taken out in the servants name, and then as- 
signed to the party whose money it was, and good covenants 
drawn betweene them for the clearing of the matter; and this 
(saith he) would be a means to strengthen this side the more. 

3. Then he tells them that if that Capten they spoake 
of should come over hither as a generall,^ he was perswaded 

' Merchant in the sense of cape merchant or supercargo. 
' I. e., as one of the colony. 


he would be chosen Capten ; for this Captaine Standish looks 
Uke a silly boy, and is in utter contempte. 

4. Then he shows that if by the forementioned means 
they cannot be strengthened to cary and overbear things, it 
will be best for them to plant els wher by them selves; and 
would have it artickled by them that they might make choyse 
of any place that they liked best within 3. or 4. myls distance, 
shewing ther were farr better places for plantation then this. 

5. And lastly he concluds, that if some number came not 
over to bear them up here, then ther would be no abiding for 
them, but by joyning with these hear. Then he adds: Since 
I begane to write, ther are letters come from your company, 
wherin they wovild give sole authoritie in diverce things unto 
the Go v"" here; which, if it take place, then, Ve Nobis. ^ But 
I hope you wiU be more vigilante hereafter, that nothing may 
pass in such a manner. I suppose (saith he) Mr. Oldame will 
write to you further of these things. I pray you conceall me 
in the discovery of these things, etc. 

Thus I have breefly touched some cheefe things in his 
leters, and shall now retiraie to their procceeding with him. 
After the reading of his leters before the whole company, he 
was demanded what he could say to these things. But all 
the answer he made was, that Billington and some others had 
informed him of many things, and made sundrie complaints, 
which they now deneyed. He was againe asked if that was a 
sufficiente groimd for him thus to accuse and traduse them by 
his letters, and never say word to them, considering the many 
bonds betweene them. And so they went on from poynte to 
poynte; and wisht him, or any of his freinds and confederats, 
not to spare them in any thing; if he or they had any proof e 
or witnes of any corrupte or evill deaUng of theirs, his or their 
evidence must needs be ther presente, for ther was the whole 
company and sundery strangers. He said he had been abused 
by others in their informations, (as he now well saw,) and so 

Woe to us 1 


had abused them. And this was all the answer they could 
have, for none would take his parte in any thing; but Billing- 
ton, and any whom he named, deneyed the things, and pro- 
tested he wronged them, and would have drawne them to 
such and such things which they could not consents too, 
though they were sometimes drawne to his meetings. Then 
they delte with him aboute his dissembling with them aboute 
the church, and that he professed to concm* with them in all 
things, and what a large confession he made at his admit- 
tance, and that he held not him selfe a minister till he had a 
new calling, etc. And yet now he contested against them, 
and drew a company aparte, and sequestred him selfe; and 
would goe minister the sacrements (by his Episcopall caHng) 
without ever speaking a word unto them, either as magistrats 
or bretheren. In conclusion, he was fully convicted, and 
burst out into tears, and "confest he feared he was a repro- 
bate, his sinns were so great that he doubted God would not 
pardon them, he was imsavorie salte, etc. ; and that he had so 
wronged them as he could never make them amends, con- 
fessing all he had write against them was false and nought, 
both for matter and manner." And all this he did with as 
much fullnes as words and tears could express. 

After their triall and conviction, the comi; censured them 
to be expeld the place; Oldame presently, though his wife and 
family had liberty to stay all winter, or longer, till he could 
make provission to remove them comfortably. Lyford had 
Uberty to stay 6. months. It was, indeede, with some eye to 
his release, if he caried him selfe well in the meane time, and 
that his repentance proved soimd. Lyford acknowledged his 
censure was farr less than he deserved. 

Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in the church, with 
tears more largly then before. I shall here put it downe as I 
fhid it recorded by some who tooke it from his owne words, as 
him selfe utered them. Acknowledging "That he had don 
very evill, and slanderously abused them; and thinking most 


of the people would take parte with him, he thought to cary 
all by violence and strong hand against them. And that God 
might justly lay innocente blood to his charge, for he knew 
not what hurt might have come of these his writings, and 
blest God they were stayed. And that he spared not to take 
knowledg from any, of any evill that was spoaken, but shut his 
eyes and ears against all the good; and if God should make 
him a vacabund in the earth, as was Caine, it was but just, 
for he had sined in envie and maUce against his brethren as 
he did. And he confessed 3. things to be the groimd and 
causes of these his doings: pride, vaine-glorie, and selfe love." 
Amphfying these heads with many other sade expressions, in 
the perticulers of them. 

So as they begane againe to conceive good thoughts of him 
upon this his repentance, and admited him to teach amongst 
them as before; and Samuell Fuller (a deacon amongst them), 
and some other tender harted men amongst them, were so taken 
with his signes of sorrow and repentance, as they professed they 
would fall upon their knees to have his censure released. 

But that which made them all stand amased in the end, 
and may doe all others that shall come to hear the same, (for 
a rarer president can scarse be showne,) was, that after a 
month or 2. notwithstand all his former conffessions, convic- 
tions, and pubUck acknowledgments, both in the face of the 
church and whole company, with so many tears and sadde 
censures of him selfe before God and men, he should goe againe 
to justifie what he had done. 

For secretly he write a 2^. leter to the adventurers in 
England, in which he justified all his former writings, (save 
in some things which tended to their damage,) the which, be- 
cause it is brefer then the former, I shall here inserte. 

Worthy Srs: Though the filth of mine owne doings may justly be 
cast in my face, and with blushing cause my perpetuall silence, yet that 
the truth may not herby be injuried, your selves any longer deluded, nor 
in[j]urious dealing caried out still, with bould out facings, I have ad- 


ventured once more to write unto you. Firest, I doe freely confess I 
delte very indiscreetly in some of my perticuler leters which I wrote to 
private freinds, for the courses in coming hither and the like; which I doe 
in no sorte seeke to justifie, though stired up ther unto in the beholding 
the indirecte courses held by others, both hear, and ther with you, for 
effecting their designes. But am hartily sory for it, and doe to the glory 
of God and mine owne shame acknowledg it. Which leters being inter- 
cepted by the Gov', I have for the same undergone the censure of ban- 
ishmente. And had it not been for the respecte I have unto you, and 
some other matters of private regard, I had returned againe at this time 
by the pinass for England; for hear I purpose not to abide, unless I re- 
ceive better incouragmente from you, then from the church (as they call 
them selves) here I doe receive. I purposed before I came, to undergoe 
hardnes, therfore I shall I hope cherfuUy bear the conditions of the place, 
though very mean; and they have chainged my wages ten times aUready. 
I suppose my letters, or at least the coppies of them, are come to your 
hands, for so they hear reporte; which, if it be so, I pray you take notice 
of this, that I have writen nothing but what is certainly true, and I could 
make so apeare planly to any indifferente men, whatsoever colours be 
cast to darken the truth, and some ther are very audatious this way; 
besids many other matters which are f arre out of order hear. My mind 
was not to enlarge my selfe any further, but in respecte of diverse poore 
souls here, the care of whom in parte belongs to you, being here destitute 
of the means of salvation. For how so ever the church are provided for, 
to their contente, who are the smalest number in the coUony, and doe 
so appropriate the ministrie to them selves, houlding this principle, that 
the Lord hath not appointed any ordinary ministrie for the conversion of 
those that are without, so that some of the poor souls have with tears 
complained of this to me, and I was taxed for preaching to all in generall. 
Though in truth they have had no ministrie here since they came, but 
such as may be performed by any of you, by their owne possition, what 
soever great pretences they make; but herin they equivocate, as in many 
other things they doe. But I exceede the bounds I set my selfe, therfore 
resting thus, untill I hear further from you, so it be within the time limited 
me. I rest, etc., 

Remaining yours ever. 
Dated Aug: 22. An°: 1624. John Lyfoed, Exille. 

They made a breefe answer to some things in this later, 
but referred cheefly to their former. The effecte was to this 
purpose: That if God in his providence had not brought these 


things to their hands (both the former and later), they might 
have been thus abused, tradused, and calumniated, over- 
throwne, and imdone ; and never have knowne by whom, nor 
for what. They desired but this equall favoure, that they 
would be pleased to hear their just defence, as well as his 
accusations, and waigh them in the balance of justice and 
reason, and then censure as they pleased. They had write 
breefly to the heads of things before, and should be ready to 
give further answer as any occasion should require; craving 
leave to adde a word or tow to this last. 

1. And first, they desire to examene what filth that was 
that he acknowledgeth might justly be throwne in his face, 
and might cause blushing and perpetuall silence; some great 
mater sure! But if it be looked into, it amounts to no more 
then a poynte of indiscretion, and thats all; and yet he licks 
of that too with this excuse, that he was stired up therunto by 
beholding the indirecte course here. But this point never 
troubled him here, it was counted a fight matter both by him 
and his freinds, and put of with this, — ^that any man might 
doe so, to advise his private freinds to come over for their 
best advantage. All his sorrow and tears here was for the 
wrong and hurt he had done us, and not at all for this he 
pretends to be done to you: it was not counted so much as 

2. Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he thinks he 
may lay load of us here. And first complains that we have 
changed his wages ten times. We never agreed with him for 
any wages, nor made any bargen at all with him, neither know 
of any that you have made. You sent him over to teach 
amongst us, and desired he might be kindly used; and more 
then this we know not. That he hath beene kindly used, 
(and farr beter then he deserves from us,) he shall be judged 
first of his owne mouth. If you please to looke upon that 
writing of his, that was sent you amongst his leters, which 
he pals a generall relation, in which, though he doth otherwise 


traduse us, yet in this he him selfe clears us. In the latter 
end therof he hath these words. I speak not this (saith he) 
out of any ill affection to the men, for I have found them very 
kind and loving to me. You may ther see these to be his owne 
words under his owne hand. 2'^. It will appere by this that 
he hath ever had a larger alowance of food out of the store 
for him and his then any, and clothing as his neede hath 
required; a dwelling in one of our best houses, and a man 
wholy at his owne command to tend his private affairs. What 
cause he hath therfore to complaine, judge ye; and what he 
means in his speech we know not, except he aluds to that of 
Jaacob and Laban. If you have promised him more or other 
wise, you may doe it when you please. 

3. Then with an impudente face he would have you 
take notice, that (in his leters) he hath write nothing but 
what is certainly true, yea, and he could make it so appeare 
plainly to any indifferente men. This indeed doth astonish 
us and causeth us to tremble at the deceitfulhies and desper- 
ate wickednes of mans harte. This is to devoure holy things, 
and after voues to enquire. It is admirable that after such 
pubhck confession, and acknowledgmente in court, in church, 
before God, and men, with such sadd expressions as he used, 
and with such melting into teares, that after all this he shoud 
now justifie all againe. If things had bene done in a corner, 
it had been some thinge to deney them; but being done in 
the open view of the cuntrie and before all men, it is more 
then strange now to avow to make them plainly appear to 
any indifferente men; and here wher things were done, and 
all the evidence that could be were presente, and yet could 
make nothing appear, but even his freinds condemnd him and 
gave their voyce to his censure, so grose were they; we leave 
your selves to judge herein. Yet least this man should tri- 
umph in his wikednes, we shall be ready to answer him, when, 
or wher you will, to any thing he shall lay to our charg, though 
we have done it sufficiently allready. 


4. Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for some poore 
souls here who are destiute of the means of salvation, etc. 
But all his soothing is but that you would use means, that his 
censure might be released that he might here continue; and 
imder you (at least) be sheltered, till he sees what his freinds 
(on whom he depends) can bring about and effecte. For 
such men pretend much for poor souls, but they will looke to 
their wages and conditions; if that be not to their content, 
let poor souls doe what they will, they will shift for them 
selves, and seek poore souls some wher els among richer 

Next he fals upon the church, that indeed is the burthen- 
some stone that troubls him. First, he saith they hold this 
principle, that the Lord hath not apointed any ordinarie 
ministrie for the converssion of those without. The church 
needs not be ashamed of what she houlds in this, haveing 
Gods word for her warrente ; that ordinarie officers are boimd 
cheefly to their flocks. Acts 20. 28. and are not to be extrava- 
gants, to goe, come, and leave them at their pleasurs to shift 
for them selves, or to be devoured of wolves. But he perverts 
the truth in this as in other things, for the Lord hath as well 
appoynted them to converte, as to feede in their severall 
charges; and he wrongs the church to say other wise. Againe, 
he saith he was taxed for preaching to all in generall. This 
is a meere untruth, for this dissembler knows that every 
Lords day some are appointed to visite suspected places, and 
if any be found idling and neglecte the hearing of the word, 
(through idhies or profanes,) they are pimished for the same. 
Now to procure all to come to hear, and then to blame him 
for preaching to all, were to play the mad men. 

6. Next (he saith) they have had no ministrie since they 
came, what soever pretences they make, etc. We answer, the 
more is our wrong, that our pastor is kept from us by these 
mens means, and then reproach us for it when they have 
done. Yet have we not been wholy distitute of the means of 


salvation, as this man would make the world beleeve; for our 
reve*^ Elder hath laboured diligently in dispencing the word 
of God unto us, before he came ; and since hath taken equalle 
pains with him selfe in preaching the same; and, be it spoaken 
without ostentation, he is not inferriour to Mr. L3rford (and 
some of his betters) either in gifts or laming, though he would 
never be perswaded to take higher office upon him. Nor ever 
was more pretended in this matter. For equivocating, he 
may take it to him selfe; what the church houlds, they have 
manifested to the world, in all plaines,' both in open confes- 
sion, doctrine, and writing. 

This was the sume of ther answer, and hear I wiU let them 
rest for the presente. I have bene longer in these things then 
I desired, and yet not so long as the things might require, for 
I pass many things in silence, and many more deserve to have 
been more largly handled. But I will retume to other things, 
and leave the rest to its place. 

The pinass^ that was left sunck and cast away near Dam- 
arins-cove, as is before showed, some of the fishing maisters 
said it was a pity so fine a vessell should be lost, and sent 
them word that, if they would be at the cost, they would both 
directe them how to waygh her, and let them have their car- 
penters to mend her. They thanked them, and sente men 
aboute it, and beaver to defray the charge, (without which all 
had been in vaine). So they gott coopers to trime, I know 
not how many tune of cask, and being made tight and fas- 
tened to her at low-water, they boyed her up ; and then with 
many hands hald her on shore in a conveniente place wher 
she might be wrought upon ; and then hired sundrie car- 
penters to work upon her, and other to saw planks, and at 
last fitted her and got her home. But she cost a great deale 
of money, in thus recovering her, and buying riging and seails 
for her, both now and when before she lost her mast; so as she 
proved a chargable vessell to the poor plantation. So they 

• Plainness. 2 The Ja-mes. 


sent her home, and with her Lyford sent his last letter, in 
great secrecie; but the party intrusted with it gave it the 

The winter was passed over in ther ordinarie affairs, with- 
out any spetiall mater worth noteing; saveing that many 
who before stood something of from the church, now seeing 
Lyf ords unrighteous dealing, and mahgnitie agaiast the church, 
now tendered them selves to the chiu-ch, and were joyned to 
the same; proffessing that it was not out of the dishke of any 
thing that they had stood of so long, but a desire to fitte them 
selves beter for such a state, and they saw now the Lord cald 
for their help. And so these troubls prodused a qmte con- 
trary effecte in sundrie hear, then these adversaries hoped for. 
Which was looked at as a great worke of God, to draw on men 
by unhckly means; and that in reason which might rather 
have set them further of. And thus I shall end this year. 

Anno Dom: 1625. 

At the spring of the year, about the time of their Election 
Coiui;,* Oldam came againe amongst them; and though it was 
a part of his censure for his former mutinye and miscariage, 
not to retume without leave first obtained, yet in his dareing 
spirite, he presumed without any leave at all, being also set 
on and hardened by the ill coimsell of others. And not only 
so, but suffered his unruly passion to rune beyond the hmits 
of all reason and modestie; in so much that some strangers 
which came with him were ashamed of his outrage, and re- 
buked him; but all reprofes were but as oyle to the fire, and 
made the flame of his coller greater. He caled them all to 
nought, in this his mad furie, and a hundred rebells and 
traytors, and I know not what. But in conclusion they com- 
mited him till he was tamer, and then apointed a gard of 
musketers which he was to pass throw, and ever one was 
ordered to give him a thump on the brich, with the but end of 

> Annual meeting for election of officers of the colony. 


his musket, and then was conveied to the water side, wher a 
boat was ready to cary him away. Then they bid him goe and 
mende his maners. 

Whilst this was a doing, Mr. WiUiam Peirce and Mr. Wins- 
low came up from the water side, being come from England; 
but they were so busie with Oldam, as they never saw them 
till they came thus upon them. They bid them not spare 
either him or Liford, for they had played the vilans with 
them. But that I may hear make an end with hi m, I shall 
hear once f or_aUj:filate-.wIi at befell concerning him in the 
fiSui%-and 4hat~bFee%:,_ After the removall of his familie 
from hence, he fell into some straits, (as some others did,) 
and aboute a year or more afterwards, towards winter, he 
intended a vioage for Virginia; but it so pleased God that the 
barke that caried him, and many other passengers, was in 
that danger, as they dispaired of Ufe; so as many of them, 
as they fell to prayer, so also did they begine to examine their 
consciences and confess such sins as did most burthen them. 
AnrI Mr. 0.ii]da.Tn e_HidTnpi,ke a free and large confession of the 
wron^_aad-lau±_h£_had done tojihe_geo£l£aiiachurch here, 
in many perticulers, that as he had sought their ruine, so God 
had now mette with him and might destroy him; yea, he 
feared they all fared the worce for his sake ; he prayed God to 
forgive him, and made vowes that, if the Lord spard his Ufe, 
he would become otherwise, and the Uke. This I had from 
some of good credite, yet hving in the Bay, and were them 
selves partners in the same dangers on the ghoulds Qf.,Cap- 
Codd, and heard it from his owne mouth. Clt pleased GodJ^ _ 
ap^ajtheir_]iyes,_though_they lost-^b^ ir viago j a n d - in time 
after wards, Ouldam caried him selfe fairly towards them, 
and acknowledged the hand of God to be with them, and 
seemed to have an honourable respecte of them; and so farr 
made his peace with them, as he in after time had libertie 
to goe and come, and converse with them, at his pleasure. He 
went after this to Virginia, and had ther a great sicknes, but 


recovered and came back againe to his familie in the Bay, 
and ther hved till some store of people came over. At lenght 
going a trading in a smale vessell among the Indians, and 
being weakly mand, upon some quarell they knockt him on the 
head with a hatched, so as he fell downe dead, and never spake 
word more. 2. Utle boys that were his kinsmen were saved, 
but had some hurte, and the vessell was strangly recovered 
from the Indeans by another that belonged to the Bay of 
Massachusets; and this his death was one groimd of the 
Pequente^ warr which followed. 

I am now come to Mr. Lyford. His time being now ex- 
pired, his censure was to take place. He was so farre from 
answering their hopes by amendmente in the time, as he had 
dubled his evill, as is before noted. , Bnt, firRt. t jfthnlH the 

verified;__£sa:-X-i5. He hath made a pitte, and digged it,, 
and is fallen into the pitte he made. Hejthought to bring 
shame and disgrace upo n them, but in stead therof opens h is 
owne toalLAh ilworldr For when he was delte with all aboute 
his second letter, his wife was so affected with his doings, as 
she could no longer conceaill her greefe and sorrow of minde, 
but opens the same to one of their deacons and some other of 
her freinds, and after uttered the same to Mr. Peirce upon his 
arrivall. Which was to this piirpose, that she feared some 
great judgment of God would fall upon them, and upon her, 
for her husbands cause; now that they were to remove, she 
feared to fall into the Indeans hands, and to be defiled by 
them, as he had defiled other women; or some shuch like 
judgmente, as God had threatened David, 2. Sam. 12. 11. I 
will raise up evill against thee, and will take thy wives and 
give them, etc. And upon it showed how he had wronged her, 
as first he had a bastard by another before they were maried, 
and she having some inkUng of some ill cariage that way, when 
he was a suitor to her, she tould him what she heard, and 

• Pequot. 


deneyd him; but she not certainly knowing the thing, 
other wise then by some darke and secrete muterings, he not 
only stifly denied it, but to satisfie her tooke a solemne oath 
ther was no shuch matter. Upon which she gave consente, 
and maried with him ; but afterwards it was found true, and 
the bastard brought home to them. She then charged him 
with his oath, but he prayed pardon, and said he should els 
not have had her. And yet afterwards she could keep no 
maids but he would be medling with them, and some time 
she hath taken him in the maner, as they lay at their beds 
feete, with shuch other circumstances as I am ashamed to 
relate. The woman being a grave matron and of good 
cariage all the while she was hear, and spoake these things out 
of the sorrow of her harte, sparingly, and yet with some 
further intimations. And that which did most seeme to 
affecte her (as they conceived) was, to see his former cariage 
in his repentance, not only hear with the church, but formerly 
about these things; sheding tears, and using great and sade 
expressions, and yet eftsone fall into the hke things. 

Another thing of the same nature did strangly concurr 
herewith. When Mr. Winslow and Mr. Peirce were come over, 
Mr. Winslow informed them that they had had the hke bick- 
ering with Lyfords freinds in England, as they had with him 
selfe and his freinds hear, aboute his letters and accusations 
in them. And many meetings and much clamour was made 
by his freinds theraboute, crjdng out, a minister, a man so 
godly, to be so esteemed and taxed they held a great skandale, 
and threated to prosecute law against them for it. But 
things being referred to a further meetmg of most of the ad- 
venturers, to heare the case and decide the matters, they 
agreed to chose 2. eminente men for moderators in the bus- 
sines. Lyfords faction chose Mr. White, a counselor at law, 
the other parte chose Reve**. Mr. Hooker, • the minister, and 

' Rev. Thomas Hooker, afterward the famous minister of Hartford; at this 
time he was rector of Esher in Surrey. 


many freinds on both sids were brought in, so as ther was a 
great assemblie. In the mean time, God in his providence 
had detected Lyford's eAnll rariagp i.tLJj:fiLm.<Li.a-gQmf^ frpiri'da 
amongst the compa^ knowne toM^r.^W 
andlirrectedTmrrto 2. godly and grave witnesses, who would 
testifie the same (if caled therunto) upon their oath. The 
thing was this; he being gott into Ireland, had woxmd him 
selfe into the esteeme of simdry godly and zelous professours 
in those parts, who, having been burthened with the cere- 
monies in England, found their some more hberty to their 
consciences; amongst whom were these 2. men, which gave 
this evidence. Amongst the rest of his hearers, ther was a 
godly yonge man that intended to marie, and cast his affec- 
tion on a maide which hved their aboute; but desiring to 
chose in the Lord, and preferred the fear of God before all 
other things, before he suffered his affection to rune too farr, 
he resolved to take Mr. Lyfords advise and judgmente of this 
maide, (being the minister of the place,) and so broak the 
matter \mto him; and he promised faithfully to informe him, 
but would first take better knowledg of her, and have private 
conferance with her; and so had sundry times; and in conclu- 
sion commended her highly to the young man as a very fitte 
wife for him. So they were maried togeather; but some time 
after manage the woman was much troubled in mind, and 
afHicted in conscience, and did nothing but weepe and moiirne, 
and long it was before her husband could get of her what 
was the cause. But at length she discovered the thing, and 
prayed him to forgive her, for Lyford had overcome her, and 
defiled her body before marriage, after he had comended 
him unto her for a husband, and she resolved to have him, 
when he came to her in that private way. The circumstances 
I forbear, for they would offend chast ears to hear them re- 
lated, (for though he satisfied his lust on her, yet he in- 
deaoured to hinder conception.) These things being thus dis- 
covered, the womans husband tooke some godly freinds with 


him, to deale with Liford for this evill. At length he confest 
it, with a great deale of seeining sorrow and repentance, but 
was forct to leave Irland upon it, partly for shame, and partly 
for fear of further punishmente, for the godly withdrew them 
selves from him upon it; and so comming into England un- 
hapily he was light upon and sente hither. 

But in this great assembly, and before the moderators, in 
handhng the former matters aboute the letters, upon provoca- 
tion, in some heate of replie to some of Lyfords defenders, Mr. 
Winslow let fall these words, That he had delte knavishly; 
upon which on of his freinds tooke hold, and caled for wit- 
neses, that he cald a minister of the gospell knave, and would 
prosecute law upon it, which made a great tumulte, upon 
which (to be shorte) this matter broke out, and the witnes 
were prodused, whose persons were so grave, and evidence so 
plaine, and the facte so foule, yet dehvered in such modest 
and chast terms, and with such circiomstances, as strucke all 
his freinds mute, and made them all ashamed; insomuch as 
the moderators with great gravitie declared that the former 
matters gave them cause enough to refuse him and to deal 
with him as they had done, but these made him immeete for 
ever to bear ministrie any more, what repentance soever he 
should pretend; with much more to hke effecte, and so wisht 
his freinds to rest qmete. Thus was this matter ended. 

From hence Lyford wente to Natasco,' in the Bay of the 
Massachusets, with some other of his freinds with him, wher 
Oldom allso hved. From thence he removed to Namkeke, 
since called Salem; but after ther came some people over, 
wheather for hope of greater profite, or what ends els I know 
not, he left his freinds that followed him, and went from thence 
to Virginia, w her he short ly after dyed, and so I leave him to 
the Lord. Hiswife afterwards returned againe to this cuntry, 
and thus much of this matter. 

This storme being thus blowne over, yet sundrie sad effects 

' Nantasket. 


followed the same; for t,hp.-CnmpR.n3r nf Ar^t^pnturprs bionkn 
in-peecesj iere upon, a jidJJie-gfeatesJL^arfcewholy deserte.d-itie 

sa^aaee,- Aadauit-flllbL.SQ,.. but some of Ljjords and Oldoms 
fiieinds,, aodiheir Mhsreiltaju^et_outj.j^^ xinJaHngTonTheir 
owne accounte, and getting the starte of the ships that came 
to the plantation, they tooke away their stage, and other 
necessary provisions that they had made for fishing at Cap- 
Anne the year before, at their great charge, and would not 
restore the same, excepte they would fight for it. But the 
Gov'' sent some of the planters to help the fisher men to 
build a new one, and so let them keepe it. This shipe also 
brought them some small supply, of httle value; but they 
made so pore a bussines of their fishing, (neither could these 
men make them any returne for the supply sente,) so as, after 
this year, they never looked more after them. 

Also by this ship, they, some of them, sent (in the name 
of the rest) certaine reasons of their breaking of from the 
plantation, and some tenders, upon certaine conditions, of 
reuniting againe. The which because they are longe and 
tedious, and most of them aboute the former things aheady 
touched, I shall omite them ; only giveing an instance in one, 
or tow. 1. reason, they charged them for dissembling with 
his majestie in their petition, and with the adventurers about 
the French discipline, etc' 2'^, for receiving] a man^ into 
their church, that in his conffession renownced all, imiversall, 
nationall, and diocessan churches, etc., by which (say they) it 
appears, that though they deney the name of Brownists,^ yet 

' See p. 51, p. 56 and note 4, and p. 57. 

^ "This was Lyford himselfe." (Br.) 

' Robert Browne, whose followers were called Brownists, was the son of a 
sheriff of Rutlandshire and was educated at Cambridge. First a schoolmaster, 
he became a preacher at Cambridge, and in 1580 separated from the Church. 
He was twice imprisoned for non-conformity, and escaping to Holland organized a 
church at Middelburg, and wrote works setting forth the congregational church pol- 
ity. He returned to England before long, and, becoming reconciled to the Church, 
obtained in 1591 a living in Northamptonshire. Finally, being imprisoned for 


they practiss the same, etc. And therfore they should sinne 
against God in building up such a people. 

Then they adde: Our dislikes thus laid downe, that we 
may goe on in trade with better contente and credits, our 
desires are as foUoweth. First, that as we are partners in 
trade, so we may be in Gov"^ ther, as the patente doth give 
us power, etc. 

2. That the French disciphne may be practised in the 
plantation, as well in the circumstances theirof, as in the 
substance; wherby the scandallous name of the Brownists, 
and other church differences, may be taken away. 

3. Lastly, that Mr. Robinson and his company may not 
goe over to our plantation, unless he and they will recon- 
cile themselves to our church by a recantation under their 
hands, etc. 

Their answer in part to these things was then as foloweth. 

Wheras you taxe us for dissembling with his majestic and the ad- 
venturers aboute the French discipline, you doe us wrong, for we both hold 
and practice the discipline of the French and other reformed churches, 
(as they have published the same in the Harmony of Confessions,) ' 
according to our means, in effecte and substance. But wheras you would 
tye us to the French discipline in every circiunstance, you derogate from 
the libertie we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paule would have 
none to follow him in any thing but wherin he follows Christ, much less 
ought any Christian or church in the world to doe it. The French may 
erre, we may erre, and other churches may erre, and doubtless doe in 
many circumstances. That honour therfore belongs only to the infallible 
word of God, and pure Testamente of Christ, to be propounded and 
followed as the only rule and pattern for direction herin to all chiu'ches 
and Christians. And it is too great arrogancie for any man, or church to 
thinke that he or they have so sounded the word of God to the bottome, 
as precislie to sett downe the churches discipline, without error in sub- 
stance or circumstance, as that no other without blame may digress or 

striking a constable, he died in Northampton gaol in 1633 at the age of about 
83. After his recantation the Separatists repudiated the name of Brownists. 

' A book entitled An Harmony of the Confessions of the Faith of the Christian 
and Reformed Churches with verie shorte Notes, translated out of Laiine into 
English (1586). 


differ in any thing from the same. And it is not diiEculte to shew, that 
the reformed churches differ in manycircmnstances amongest them selves. 

The rest I omitte, for brevities sake, and so leave to prose- 
cute these men or their doings any further, but shall retume 
to the rest of their freinds of the company, which stuck to 
them. And I shall first inserte some part of their letters as 
followeth; for I thinke it best to render their minds in ther 
OAvne words. 

To our loving freinds, etc. 

Though the thing we feared be come upon us, and the evill we strove 
against have overtaken us, yet we cannot forgett you, nor our freindship 
and fellowship which togeather we have had some years ; wherin though 
our expressions have been small, yet our harty affections towards you 
(unknown by face) have been no less then to our nearest freinds, yea, to 
our owne selves. And though this your freind Mr. Winslow can tell you 
the state of things hear, yet least we should seeme to neglecte you, to 
whom, by a wonderfuU providence of God, we are so nearly united, we 
have thought good once more to write unto you, to let you know what 
is here befallen, and the resons of it; as also our purposes and desirs 
toward you for hereafter. 

The former course for the generalitie here is wholy dissolved from 
what it was ; and wheras you and we were formerly sharers and partners, 
in all viages and deallings, this way is now no more, but you and we are 
left to bethinke our sellves what course to take in the future, that your 
lives and our monies be not lost. 

The reasons and causes of this allteration have been these. First 
and mainly, the many losses and crosses at sea, and abuses of sea-men, 
which have caused us to rune into so much charge, debts, and ingagements, 
as our estats and means were not able to goe on without impoverishing 
our selves, except our estats had been greater, and our associats cloven 
beter imto us. 2'^, as here hath been a faction and siding amongst us 
now more then 2. years, so now there is an uter breach and sequestration 
amongst us, and in too parts of us a full dissertion and forsaking of you, 
without any intente or purpose of medling more with you. And though 
we are perswaded the maine cause of this their doing is wante of money, 
(for neede wherof men use to make many excuses,) yet other things are 
pretended, as that you are Brownists, etc. Now what use you or we 
ought to make of these things, it remaineth to be considered, for we know 
the hand of God to be in all these things, and no doubt he would admonish 


some thing therby, and to looke what is amise. And allthough it be now 
too late for us or you to prevent and stay these things, yet is it not to late 
to exercise patience, wisdom, and conscience in bearing them, and in 
caring our selves in and under them for the tune to come. 

And as we our selves stand ready to imbrace all occasions that may 
tend to the f urthrance of so hopef ull a work, rather admiring of what is, 
then grudging for what is not; so it must rest in you to make all good 
againe. And if in nothing else you can be approved, yet let your honestie 
and conscience be still approved, and lose not one jote of your innocencie, 
amids your crosses and afflictions. And surly if you upon this allteration 
behave your selves wisly, and goe on fairly, as men whose hope is not in 
this life, you shall need no other weapon to- wound your adversaries; for 
when your righteousnes is revealled as the light, they shall cover their 
faces with shame, that causlesly have sought your overthrow. 

Now we thinke it but reason, that all such things as ther apertaine to 
the generall, be kept and preserved togeather, and rather increased dayly, 
then any way be dispersed or imbeseled away for any private ends or in- 
tents whatsoever. And after your necessities are served, you gather 
togeather such commodities as the cuntrie yeelds, and send them over to 
pay debts and clear ingagements hear, which are not less then 1400/i. 
And we hope you will doe your best to free our ingagements, etc. Let 
us all indeavor to keep a faire and honest course, and see what time will 
bring forth, and how God in his providence will worke for us. We still 
are perswaded you are the people that must make a plantation in those 
remoate places when all others faile and returne. And your experience 
of Gods providence and preservation of you is such as we hope your harts 
will not faile you, though your f reinds should forsake you (which we our 
selves shall not doe whilst we live, so long as your honestie so well appere- 
eth). Yet surly help would arise from .some other place whilst you waite 
on God, with uprightnes, though we should leave you allso. 

And lastly be you all intreated to walke circumspectly, and carry 
your selves so uprightly in all your ways, as that no man may make just 
exceptions against you. And more espetially that the favour and counte- 
nance of God may be so toward you, as that you may find abundante 
joye and peace even amids tribulations, that you may say with David, 
Though my father and mother should forsake me, yet the Lord would take 
me up. 

We have sent you hear some catle, cloath, hose, shoes, leather, etc., 
but in another nature then formerly, as it stood us in hand to doe; we 
have committed them to the charge and custody of Mr. Allerton and Mr. 
Winslow, as our factours, at whose discretion they are to be sould, and 


commodities to be taken for them, as is fitting. And by how much the 
more they will be chargable unto you, the bet[ter] they had need to be 
husbanded, etc. Goe on, good freinds, comfortably, pluck up your 
spirits, and quitte your selves like men in all your difficulties, that not- 
withstanding all displeasure and threats of men, yet the work may goe 
on you are aboute, and not be neglected. Which is so much for the glorie 
of God, and the f urthrance of our countrie-men, as that a man may with 
more comforte spend his life in it, then live the life of Mathusala, in 
wasting the plentie of a tilled land, or eating the fruite of a growne tree. 
Thus with harty salutations to you all, and harty prayers for you all, we 
lovingly take our leaves, this 18. of Des : 1624. 

Your assured freinds to our powers, 

J. S. W. C. T. F. R. H. etc.* 

By this leter it appears in what state the affairs of the 
plantation stood at this time. These goods they bought, but 
they were at deare rates, for they put 40. in the hundred upon 
them, for profite and adventure, outward bound; and be- 
cause of the venture of the paiment homeward, they would 
have 30.^ m the 100. more, which was in all 70. p"". cent; a 
thing thought unreasonable by some, and too great an op- 
pression upon the poore people, as their case stood. The 
catle were the best goods, for the other being ventured ware, 
were neither at the best (some of them) nor at the best prises. 
Sundrie of their fremds dishked these high rates, but comming 
from many hands, they could not help it. 

They sent over also 2. ships on fishing on their owne 
acoimte; the one was the pmass that was cast away the last 
year hear in the cuntrie, and recovered by the planters, (as 
was before related,) who, after she came home, was attached 
by one of the company for his perticuler debte, and now sent 
agaiae on this accounte. The other was a great ship, who 
was well fitted with an experienced m"" and company of 
fisher-men, to make a viage, and to goe to Bilbo or Sabastians " 

' James Shirley, William Collier (who later emigrated to Plymouth), Thomas 
Fletcher and Robert Holland. 

» "If I mistake not, it was not much less." (Br.) 

' Bilbao or San Sebastian, both on the north coast of Spain. 


with her fish; the lesser, her order was to load with cor-fish,' 
and to bring the beaver home for England that should be 
received for the goods sould to the plantation. This bigger 
ship made a great viage of good drie fish, the which, if they 
had gone to a market with, would have yeelded them (as such 
fish was sould that season) ISOOli. which would have enriched 
them. But because ther was a bruite of warr with France, the 
m'' neglected (through timerousnes) his order, and put first 
into Plimoth, and after into Portsmouth, and so lost their 
opportunitie, and came by the loss. The lesser ship had as 
ill success, though she was as hopfuU as the other for the 
marchants profite; for they had fild her with goodly cor-fish 
taken upon the banke, as full as she could swime; and besids 
she had some 800K. weaight of beaver, besids other furrs to 
a good value from the plantation. The m"" seeing so much 
goods come, put it abord the biger ship, for more saftie; but 
Mr. Winslow (their factor in this busines) was bound in a bond 
of 500U. to send it to London in the smale ship; ther was 
some contending between the m"" and him aboute it. But he 
tould the m"" he would follow his order aboute it; if he would 
take it out afterward, it should be at his perill. So it went in 
the smale ship, and he sent bills of lading in both. The m'' 
was so carfuU being both so well laden, as they went joyfully 
home togeather, for he towed the leser ship at his steme all 
the way over bound, and they had such fajrr weather as he 
never cast her of till they were shott deep in to the English 
Chanell, almost within the sight of Phmoth; and yet ther she 
was unhaply taken by a Tiu-ks man of warr, and carried into 
Saly,^ wher the m'' and men were made slaves, and many of 
the beaver skins were sould for 4d. a peece. Thus was all 
their hops dasht, and the joyfull news they ment to cary home 
tiu-ned to heavie tidmgs. Some thought this a hand of God 
for their too great exaction of the poore plantation, but Gods 
judgments are imseerchable, neither dare I be bould therwith; 

' Salt codfish. ' Sallee, on the coast of Morocco. 


but however it shows us the uncertainty of all humane things, 
and what litle cause ther is of joying in them or trusting to 

In the bigger of these ships was sent over Captine Standish 
from the plantation, with leters and instructions, both to their 
freinds of the company which still clave to them, and also to 
the Honourable Counsell of New-England. To the company 
to desire that seeing that they ment only to let them have 
goods upon sale, that they might have them upon easier 
termes, for they should never be able to bear such high intrest, 
or to allow so much per cent ; also that what they would doe 
in that way that it might be disburst in money, or such goods 
as were fitte and needfull for them, and bought at best hand; 
and to aquainte them with the contents of his leters to the 
Counsell above said, which was to this purpose, to desire their 
favour and help; that such of the adventurers as had thus 
forsaken and deserted them, might be brought to some order, 
and not to keepe them bound, and them selves be free. But 
that they might either stand to ther former covenants, or ells 
come to some faire end, by dividente, or composition. But 
he came in a very bad time, for the Stat was full of trouble, 
and the plague very hote in London, so as no bussines could 
be done; yet he spake with some of the Honourd Coimsell, 
who promised all helpfullnes to the plantation which lay in 
them. And sundrie of their freinds the adventurers were so 
weakened with their losses the last year, by the losse of the 
ship taken by the Turks, and the loss of their fish, which by 
reason of the warrs they were forcte to land at Portsmouth, 
and so came to Utle; so as, though their wills were good, yet 
theyr power was litle. And ther dyed such multituds weekly 
of the plague, as all trade was dead, and Utle money stirring. 
Yet with much adooe he tooke up 150li. (and spent a good 
deal of it in expences) at 50. per cent, which he bestowed in 
trading goods and such other most needfull comodities as he 
knew requiset for their use; and so returned passengers in a 


fhishing ship, haveing prepared a good way for the compossi- 

tion that was afterwax^,J9aa€b: — ■ >,.^^ 

In the mean time 4t pleased th e Lord t^ give the plantation 
peace and health and contented minds, and so to blese ther 
labom-s, as they had come sufficient, (and some to spare to 
others,) with other foode; neither ever had they any supply 
of foode but what they first brought with them. After har- 
vest this year, they sende out a boats load of come 40. or 50. 
leagues to the eastward, up a river called Kenibeck; it being 
one of those 2. shalops which their carpenter had built them 
the year before; for bigger vessell had they none. They had 
laid a litle deck over her midships to keepe the come drie, but 
the men were faine to stand it out all weathers without shel- 
ter; and that time of the year begins to growe tempestious. 
But God preserved them, and gave them good success, for 
they brought home 700li. of beaver, besids some other furrs, 
having fitle or nothing els but this come, which them selves 
had raised out of the earth. This viage was made by Mr. 
Winslow and some of the old standers, for seamen they had 

Anno Dom: 1626. 

About the begining of Aprill they heard of Captain Stand- 
ish his arrivall, and sent a boat to fetch him home, and the 
things he had brought. Welcome he was, but the news he 
broughte was sadd in many regards; not only in regarde of 
the former losses, before related, which their fremds had suf- 
fered, by which some in a manor were undon, others much 
disabled from doing any fm:iiher help, and some dead of the 
plague, but also that Mr. Robin§Q3ft7-tfaeiii ,Bastor , was dead> 
which struck them with-uiuch sorrow and sadnes, as they had 
cause. His and their adversaries had been long and contin- 
ually plotting how they might hinder his coming hither, but 
the Lord had appointed him a better place ; concerning whose 


death and the maner therof, it will appere by these few lines 
write to the Gov"" and Mr. Brewster. 

Loving and kind f rinds, etc. I know not whether this will ever come 
to your hands, or miscarie, as other my letters have done; yet in regard 
of the Lords dealing with us hear, I have had a great desire to write unto 
you, knowing your desire to bear a parte with us, both in our joyes, and 
sorrows, as we doe with you. These are therfore to give you to under- 
stand, that it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vaell of tears, your 
and our loving and faithfull pastor, and my dear and Rev** brother, 
Mr. John Robinson, who was sick some 8. days. He begane to be sick 
on Saturday in the morning, yet the next day (being the Lords day) he 
taught us twise. And so the weeke after grew weaker, every day more 
then other; yet he felt no paine but weaknes all the time of his sicknes. 
The phisick he tooke wrought kindly in mans judgmente, but he grew 
weaker every day, feeling litle or no paine, and sensible to the very last. 
He fell sicke the 22. of Feb: and departed this life the 1. of March.' 
He had a continuall inwarde ague, but free from infection, so that all his 
fremds came freely to him. And if either prayers, tears, or means, would 
have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he having faithfully 
finished his course, and performed his worke which the Lord had ap- 
pointed him here to doe, he now resteth with the Lord in eternall hapi- 
nes. We wanting him and all Church Gov", yet we still (by the mercie 
of God) continue and hould close togeather, in peace and quietnes; and 
so hope we shall doe, though we be very weake. Wishing (if such were 
the will of God) that you and we were againe united togeather in one, 
either ther or here; Jw ri Be e ing- iLiaJhewill of the Tiord tlm g tji..flisp nsf gf 
things., seJaMgt labour with patiensfiJcucesl. caateai£di.tilHtjgleaseJhe 
Lordothficwise,to -dispose. For news, is here not much; only as in Eng- 
land we have lost our old king James, who departed this life aboute a 
month agoe, so here they have lost the old prince. Grave Mourise;^ who 
both departed this life since my brother Robinson. And as in England 

' Robinson was buried three days after his death under the pavement of 
St. Peter's church in Leyden, nearly opposite his house. A tablet in memory of 
him has been set up on the outer wall of the church, and another on the front 
of the house now occupying the site of his dwelling in the Kloksteeg, near which 
many of his congregation also dwelt. 

' King James I. of England died March 27, 1625. Count Maurice of Nassau, 
Prince of Orange, stadholder of the Netherlands, second son of William the 
Silent, died April 23, 1625 (new style, which was at this time followed in Hol- 
land). He was succeeded as prince and as stadholder by his brother. Count 
Frederick Henry. 


we have a new-king Chads, of whom ther is great hope, so hear they have 

made prince Hendrick Generall in his brothers place, etc. Thus with my 

love remembred, I take leave and rest. 

Your assured loving freind, 

^ , . .„ „„ Roger White.' 

Leyden, Aprill 28. 

An°: 1625. 

Thus these too great princes, and their pastor, left this 
world near aboute one time. Djgath maks no difference. 

He further brought them notice oFtKe~Tdeftth~©f— their 
anciente freind, Mr. Cush-man, whom the Lord tooke away 
allso this year, and aboute this time, who was as their right 
hand with their freinds the adventurers, and for diverce years 
had done and agitated all their bussines with them to ther 
great advantage. He had write to the Gove'' but some few 
months before, of the sore sicknes of Mr. James Sherley, who 
was a cheefe freind to the plantation, and lay at the pointe of 
death, declaring his love and helpfullnes, in all things; and 
much bemoned the loss they should have of him, if God should 
now take him away, as being the stay and life of the whole 
bussines. As allso his owne purposs this year to come over, 
and spend his days with them. But he that thus write of 
anothers sicknes, knew not that his owne death was so near. 
It shows allso that a mans ways are not in his owne power, but 
in his hands who hath the issues of life and death. Man may 
purpose, but God doth dispose. 

Their other freinds from Leyden writ many leters to them 
full of sad laments for ther heavie loss; and though their wills 
were good to come to them, yet they saw no probabiUtie of 
means, how it might be effected, but concluded (as it were) 
that all their hopes were cutt of; and many, being aged, 
begane to drop away by death. 

All which things (before related) being well weighed and 
laied togither, it could not but strick them with great perplexi- 

' The writer was Robinson's brother-in-law, Robinson having married 
Bridget White, his sister. 


tie; and to looke humanly on the state of things as they pre- 
sented them selves at this time, it is a marvell it did not wholy 
discourage them, and sinck them. But they gathered up 
their spirits, and the Lord so helped them, whose worke they 
had in hand, as now when they were at lowest* they begane 
to rise againe, and being striped (in a maner) of all humane 
helps and hops, he brought things aboute other wise, in his 
devine providence, as they were not only upheld and sus- 
tained, but their proceedings both honoured and imitated by 
others; as by the sequell will more appeare, if the Lord spare 
me Ufe and time to declare the same. 

Haveing now no fishing busines, or other things to intend, 
but only their trading and planting, they sett them selves to 
follow the same with the best Industrie they could. The 
planters finding their come, what they could spare from ther 
necessities, to be a commoditie, (for they sould it at 6s. a 
bushell,) used great dilhgence in planting the same. And 
the Gove*^ and such as were designed to manage the trade, 
(for it was retained for the generall good, and none were to 
trade in perticuler,) they followed it to the best advantage 
they could; and wanting trading goods, they understoode 
that a plantation which was at Monhigen, and belonged to 
some marchants of PHmoth was to breake up, and diverse 
usefull goods was ther to be sould ; the Gove"" and Mr. Winslow 
tooke a boat and some hands and went thither. But Mr. 
David Thomson, who Uved at Pascataway,' tmderstanding 
their purpose, tooke oppertunitie to goe with them, which was 
some hinderance to them both; for they, perceiving their 
joynte desires to buy, held their goods at higher rates; and 
not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their trading goods, 
excepte they sould all. So, lest they should further prejudice 
one an other, they agreed to buy all, and devid them equally 
between them. They bought allso a parcell of goats, which 
they distributed at home as they saw neede and occasion, and 

» "Note." (Br.) ' See p. 164, and note 1. 


tooke come for them of the people, which gave them good 
content. Their moyety of the goods came to above 400K, 
stariing. Ther was allso that spring a French ship cast away 
at Sacadahock, in which were many Biscaie ruggs and other 
commodities, which were falen into these mens hands, and 
some other fisher men at Damerins-cove, which were allso 
bought in partnership, and made their parte arise to above 
500li. This they made shift to pay for, for the most part, 
with the beaver and comodities they had gott the winter be- 
fore, and what they had gathered up that somer. Mr. Thom- 
son having some things overcharged him selfe, desired they 
would take some of his, but they refused except he would let 
them have his French goods only; and the marchant (who 
was one of Bristol) would take their bill for to be paid the 
next year. They were both willing, so they became ingaged 
for them and tooke them. By which means they became very 
well furnished for trade; and tooke of therby some other in- 
gagments which lay upon them, as the money taken up by 
Captaine Standish, and the remains of former debts. With 
these goods, and their corne after harvest, they gott good 
store of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingagements 
against the time, and to get some cloathing for the people, and 
had some comodities before hand. But now they begane to 
be envied, and others wente and fild the Indeans with corne, 
and beat downe the prise, giveing them twise as much as they 
had done, and under traded them in other comodities allso. 

This year they sent Mr. AUerton into England, and gave 
him order to make a composition with the adventurers, upon 
as good termes as he could (unto which some way had ben 
made the year before by Captaine Standish) ; but yet mjoyned 
him not to conclud absolutly till they knew the termes, and 
had well considered of them; but to drive it to as good an 
issew as he could, and referr the conclusion to them. Also 
they gave him a commission under their hands and seals to 
take up some money, provided it exeeded not such a summe 


specified, for which they engaged them selves, and gave him 
order how to lay out the same for the use of the plantation. 
And finding they ranne a great hazard to goe so long viages 
in a smale open boat, espetialy the winter season, they begane 
to thinke how they might gett a small pinass; as for the 
reason afforesaid, so also because others had raised the prise 
with the Indeans above the halfe of what they had formerly 
given, so as in such a boat they could not carry a quantity 
sufficient to answer their ends. They had no ship-carpenter 
amongst them, neither knew how to get one at presente; but 
they having an ingenious man that was a house carpenter, who 
also had wrought with the ship carpenter (that was dead) 
when he built their boats, at their request he put forth him 
selfe to make a triall that way of his skill; and tooke one of 
the bigest of ther shalops and sawed her in the midle, and so 
lenthened her some 5. or 6. foote, and strengthened her with 
timbers, and so builte her up, and laid a deck on her; and so 
made her a conveniente and wholsome vessell, very fitt and 
comfortable for their use, which did them servise 7. years 
after; and they gott her finished, and fitted with sayles and 
anchors, the insuing year. And thus passed the affairs of this 

Anno Dom: 1627. 

At the usuall season of the coming of ships Mr. Allerton 
returned, and brought some usfuU goods with him, according 
to the order given him. For upon his commission he tooke 
up 200Zi. which he now got at 30. per cent. The which goods 
they gott safly home, and well conditioned, which was much 
to the comfort and contente of the plantation. He declared 
unto them, allso, how, with much adoe and no small trouble, 
he had made a composition with the adventurers, by the 
help of svmdrie of their faithfull freinds ther, who had allso 
tooke much pains ther about. The agreement or bargen 
he had brought a draught of, with a fist of ther names 


ther too annexed, drawne by the best counsell of law they 
could get, to make it firme. The heads wherof I shall here 

To all Christian people, greeting, etc. Whereas at a meeting the 
26. of October last past, diverse and sundrie persons, whose names to the 
one part of these presents are subscribed in a schedule hereunto annexed, 
Adventurers to New-Plimoth in New-England in America, were contented 
and agreed, in consideration of the sume of one thousand and eight hun- 
dred pounds sterling to be paid, (in maner and forme foiling,) to sell, and 
make sale of all and every the stocks, shares, lands, marchandise, and 
chatles, what soever, to the said adventurers, and other ther fellow ad- 
venturers to New Plimoth aforesaid, any way accruing, or belonging to 
the generalitie of the said adventurers aforesaid; as well by reason of any 
sume or sumes of money, or marchandise, at any time heretofore adven- 
tured or disbursed by them, or other wise howsoever; for the better ex- 
pression and setting forth of which said agreemente, the parties to these 
presents subscribing, doe for them selves severally, and as much as in 
them is, grant, bargan, alien, sell, and transfere all and every the said 
shares, goods, lands, marchandice, and chatles to them belonging as 
aforesaid, unto Isaack Alerton, one of the planters resident at Plimoth 
afforesaid, assigned, and sent over as agente for the rest of the planters 
ther, and to such other planters at Plimoth afforesaid as the said Isack, 
his heirs, or assignes, at his or ther arrivall, shall by writing or otherwise 
thinke fitte to joyne or partake in the premisses, their heirs, and assignes, 
in as large, ample, and beneficiall maner and forme, to all intents and 
purposes, as the said subscribing adventurers here could or may doe, or 
performe. All which stocks, shares, lands, etc. to the said adven: in 
severallitie alloted, apportioned, or any way belonging, the said adven: 
doe warrant and defend unto the said Isaack Allerton, his heirs and as- 
signes, against them, their heirs and assignes, by these presents. And 
therfore the said Isaack Allerton doth, for him, his heirs and assigns, 
covenant, promise, and grant too and with the adven: whose names 
are here unto subscribed, ther heirs, etc. well and truly to pay, or 
cause to be payed, unto the said adven: or 5. of them which were, 
at that meeting afforsaid, nominated and deputed, viz. John Pocock, 
John Beachamp, Robart Keane, Edward Base, and James Sherley, 
marchants, their heirs, etc. too and for the use of the generallitie 
of them, the sume of ISOOli. of lawfull money of England, at the place 
appoynted for the receipts of money, on the west side of the Royall 
Exchaing in London, by 200li. yearly, and every year, on the feast of St. 




Migchell/ the first paiment to be made An" : 1628, etc. Allso the said 
Isaack is to indeavor to procure and obtaine from the planters of N. P. 
aforesaid, securitie, by severall obligations, or writings obligatory, to 
make paiment of the said smne of ISOO^i. in forme afforsaid, according 
to the true meaning of these presents. In testimonie wherof to this part 
of these presents remaining with the said Isaack AUerton, the said sub- 
scribing adven: have sett to their names, etc.^ And to the other part 
remaining with the said adven : the said Isaack Allerton hath subscribed 
his name, the 15. Nov'"'. An°: 1626. in the 2. year of his Majesties raigne. 

This agreemente was very well liked of, and approved by 
all the plantation, and consented imto; though they knew not 
well how to raise the payment and discharge their other in- 
gagements, and supply the yearly wants of the plantation, 
seeing they were forced for their necessities to take up money 
or goods at so high intrests. Yet they undertooke it, and 7. 
or 8. of the cheefe of the place became joyntly bound for the 
paimente of this ISOO^t. (in the behalfe of the rest) at the 
severall days. In which they rane a great adventure, as their 
present state stood, having many other heavie burthens all- 

• Michaelmas, September 29. 

° Below are the names of the adventurers subscribed to this paper, taken 
from Bradford's letter-book, in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, first series, III. 48. 

John White, 
John Pocock, 
Robert Kean, 
Edward Bass, 
William Hobson, 
William Penington, 
William Quarles, 
Daniel Poynton, 
Richard Andrews, 
Newman Rookes, 
Henry Browning, 
Richard Wright, 
John Ling, 
Thomas Goffe, 

Samuel Sharpe, 
Robert Holland, 
James Sherley, 
Thomas Mott, 
Thomas Fletcher, 
Timothy Hatherly, 
Thomas Brewer, 
John Thomed, 
Myles Knowles, 
William Collier, 
John Revell, 
Peter Gudbum, 
Emnu. AUtham, 
John Beauchamp, 

Thomas Hudson, 
Thomas Andrews, 
Thomas Ward, 
Fria. Newbald, 
Thomas Heath, 
Joseph Tilden, 
William Perrin, 
Eliza Knight, 
Thomas Coventry, 
Robert Allden, 
Lawrence Anthony, 
John Knight, 
Matthew Thomhill, 
Thomas Millsop. 

To this list Dr. Azel Ames. The Mayflower and Her Log, p. 58, suggests that 
we may perhaps add, as belonging to the original number, the names of William 
Greene, Christopher Martin, William Mullens, Edward Pickering, John Pierce, 
William Thomas, John White, John Wincob and Richard Wright. 


ready upon them, and all things in an uncertaine condition 
amongst them. So the next retrntie it was absolutly con- 
firmed on both sids, and the bargen fairly ingrossed in partch- 
mente and in many things put into better forme, by the 
advice of the leamedest counsell they could gett; and least 
any forfeiture should fall on the whole for none paimente at 
any of the days, it rane thus: to forfite 30s. a weeke if they 
missed the time; and was concluded imder their hands and 
seals, as may be seen at large by the deed it selfe. 

Now though they had some untowarde persons mixed 
amongst them from the first, which came out of England, and 
more afterwards by some of the adventurers, as freindship or 
other affections led them, — though sundrie were gone, some 
for Virginia, and some to other places, — yet diverse were still 
mingled amongst them, about whom the Gove'' and counsell 
with other of ther cheefe freinds had serious consideration, 
how to setle things in regard of this new bargen or purchas 
made, in respecte of the distribution of things both for the 
presente and future. For the present, excepte peace and union 
were preserved, they should be able to doe nothing, but in- 
danger to over throw all, now that other tyes and bonds were 
taken away. Therfore they resolved, for sundrie reasons, to 
take in all amongst them, that were either heads of famihes, or 
single yonge men, that were of abilhty, and free, (and able to 
governe them selvs with meete descretion, and their affairs, so 
as to be helpfuU in the comone-welth,) into this partnership or 
purchass. First, they considered that they had need of men 
and strength both for defence and carrying on of bussinesses. 
2'y, most of them had borne ther parts in former miseries and 
wants with them, and therfore (in some sort) but equall to 
partake in a better condition, if the Lord be pleased to give it. 
But cheefly they saw not how peace would be preserved with- 
out so doing, but danger and great disturbance might grow to 
their great hurte and prejudice other wise. Yet they resolved 
to keep such a mean in distribution of lands, and other 


courses, as should not hinder their growth in others coming 
to them. 

So they caled the company togeather, and conferred with 
them, and came to this conclusion, that the trade should be 
managed as before, to help to pay the debts; and all such 
persons as were above named should be reputed and inrouled 
for purchasers; single free men to have a single share, and 
every father of a familie to be alowed to purchass so many 
shares as he had persons in his family; that is to say, one for 
him seLfe, and one for his wife, and for every child that he had 
living with him, one. As for servants, they had none, but 
what either their maisters should give them out of theirs, or 
their deservings should obtaine from the company afterwards. 
Thus all were to be cast into single shares according to the 
order abovesaid ; and so every one was to pay his part accord- 
ing to his proportion towards the purchass, and all other debts, 
what the profite of the trade would not reach too; viz. a single 
man for a single share, a maister of a famaUe for so many as 
he had. This gave all good contente. And first accordingly 
the few catle which they had were devided,' which arose to this 
proportion; a cowe to 6. persons or shars, and 2. goats to the 
same, which were first equaUsed for age and goodnes, and then 
lotted for; single persons consorting with others, as they 
thought good, and smaler familys Hkwise; and swine though 
more in number, yet by the same rule. Then they agreed 
that every person or share should have 20. acres of land de- 
vided unto them, besids the single acres they had alheady; 
and they appoynted were to begin first on the one side of the 
towne, and how farr to goe; and then on the other side in Hke 
maner; and so to devid it by lotte; and appointed sundrie by 
name to doe it, and tyed them to certaine ruls to proceed by; 
as that they should only lay out settable or tillable land, at 
least such of it as should butt on the water side, (as the most 
they were to lay out did,) and pass by the rest as refvise and 

■ For the division of cattle, see Plymouth Colony Records, XH. 9. 


commune; and what they judged fitte should be so taken. 
And they were first to agree of the goodnes and fitnes of it 
before the lott was drawne, and so it might as well prove some 
of ther owne, as an other mans ; and this course they were to 
hould throwout. But yet seekeing to keepe the people to- 
gither, as much as might be, they allso agreed upon this order, 
by mutuall consente, before any lots were cast: that whose 
lotts soever should fall next the towne, or most conveninte for 
neames, they should take to them a neigboure or tow, whom 
they best hked; and should suffer them to plant come with 
them for 4. years; and afterwards they might use as much of 
theirs for as long time, if they would. Allso every share or 20. 
acers was to be laid out 5. acres in breadth by the water side, 
and 4. acres in lenght, excepting nooks and comers, which 
were to be measured as they would bear to best advantage. 
But no meadows were to be laid out at all, nor were not of 
many years after, because they were but streight of meadow 
groimds ; and if they had bene now given out, it would have 
hindred all addition to them afterwards; but every season all 
were appoynted wher they should mowe, according to the pro- 
portion of catle they had. This distribution gave generally 
good contente, and setled mens minds. Also they gave the 
Gove'' and 4. or 5. of the spetiall men amongst them, the houses 
they lived in; the rest were valued and equaUsed at an in- 
diferent rate, and so every man kept his owne, and he that had 
a better alowed some thing to him that had a worse, as the 
vaulation wente. 

Ther is one thing that fell out in the begining of the winter 
before, which I have refferred to this place, that I may handle 
the whole matter togeither. Ther was a ship, with many pas- 
sengers in her and sundrie goods, bound for Virginia.* They 

' A vessel bound to Virginia was wrecked on Cape Cod in the winter of 
1626-1627, called according to tradition the Sparrow-Hawk. She was aban- 
doned and finally buried by the sand at a place which has been known since 
as 'Old Ship Harbor." She was occasionally exposed by storms at sufficiently 
short intervals of time to become a familiar object to generatioa after generatiott. 


had lost them selves at sea, either by the insufficiencie of the 
maister, or his ilnes; for he was sick and lame of the sctirvie, 
60 that he could but lye in the cabin dore, and give direction ; 
and it should seeme was badly assisted either with mate or 
mariners ; or else the fear and unrulines of the passengers were 
such, as they made them stear a course betweene the south- 
west and the norwest, that they might fall with some land, 
what soever it was they cared not. For they had been 6. 
weeks at sea, and had no water, nor beere, nor any woode left, 
but had burnt up all their emptie caske; only one of the com- 
pany had a hogshead of wine or 2. which was allso allmost 
spente, so as they feared they should be starved at sea, or con- 
sumed with diseases, which made them rune this desperate 
course. Bij^ tpJased Go dth^ though they came so neare the 
shoulds o'F Cap-Codd or^efee ran stumbUng over them in the 
night, they knew not how, they came right before a small 
blind harbore, that lyes about the midle of Manamoyake Bay, 
to the southward of Cap-Codd,' with a small gale of wind; 
and about high water toucht upon a barr of sand that lyes 
before it, but had no hurte, the sea being smoth; so they laid 
out an anchore. But towards the evening the wind sprunge 
up at sea, and was so rough, as broake their cable, and beat 
them over the barr into the harbor, wher they saved their 
Uves and goods, though much were hurte with salt water; for 
with beating they had sprimg the but end of a planke or too, 
and beat out ther occome;^ but they were soone over, and ran 
on a drie flate within the harbor, close by a beach ; so at low 
water they gatt out then- goods on drie shore, and dried those 
that were wette, and saved most of their things without any 
great loss; neither was the ship much hurt, but shee might be 
mended, and made servisable againe. But though they were 
not a litle glad that they had thus saved their lives, yet when 

In 1863 she became sufficiently exposed to admit of the removal of her timbers, 
and she may now be seen in Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth, where she has been set up. 
' Somewhere in Chatham; but the outline of this sandy coast has greatly 
changed in 280 years. Oakum. 


they had a Utle refreshed them selves, and begane to thinke 
on their condition, not knowing wher they were, nor what 
they should doe, they begane to be strucken with sadnes. 
But shortly after they saw some Mdians come to them in 
canows, which made them stand upon their gard. But when 
they heard some of the Indeans speake Enghsh unto them, 
they were not a htle revived, especially when they heard them 
demand if they were the Gove'' of Phmoths men, or freinds; 
and that they would bring them to the English houses, or 
carry their letters. 

They feasted these Indeans, and gave them many giftes; 
and sente 2. men and a letter with them to the Gove'', and did 
intreat him to send a boat unto them, with some pitch, and 
occume, and spiks, with divers other necessaries for the mend- 
ing of ther ship (which was recoverable). AUso they besought 
him to help them with some come and sundrie other things 
they wanted, to enable them to make their viage to Virginia; 
and they should be much bound to him, and would make satis- 
faction for any thing they had, in any comodities they had 
abord. After the Gove'' was well informed by the messengers 
of their condition, he caused a boate to be made ready, and 
such things to be provided as they write for; and because 
others were abroad upon trading, and such other affairs, as 
had been fitte to send unto them, he went him selfe, and allso 
carried some trading comodities, to buy them come of the 
Indeans. It was no season of the year to goe withoute the 
Cape, but understanding wher the ship lay, he went into the 
bottom of the bay, on the inside, and put into a crick called 
Naumskachett,' wher it is not much above 2. mile over land 
to the bay wher they were, wher he had the Indeans ready to 
cary over any thing to them. Of his arrivall they were very 
glad, and received the things to mend ther ship, and other 
necessaries. Allso he bought them as much come as they 

' Naumskachett Creek is on the inside of Cape Cod between Brewster and 


would have; and wheras some of their sea-men were rune 
away amonge the Indeans, he procured their retume to the 
ship, and so left them well furnished and contented, being very 
thankfull for the curtesies they receaved. But after the 
Gove' thus left them, he went into some other harbors ther 
aboute and loaded his boat with come, which he traded, and 
so went home. But he had not been at home many days, but 
he had notice from them, that by the violence of a great storme, 
and the bad morring of their ship (after she was mended) she 
was put a shore, and so beatten and shaken as she was now 
wholy imfitte to goe to sea. And so their request was that 
they might have leave to repaire to them, and soujourne with 
them, till they could have means to convey them selves to 
Virginia; and that they might have means to transport their 
goods, and they would pay for the same, or any thing els wher 
with the plantation should releeve them. Considering their 
distres, their requests were granted, and all helpfulLnes done 
unto them; their goods transported, and them selves and 
goods sheltered in their houses as well as they could. 

The cheefe amongst these people was one Mr. Fells and 
Mr. Sibsie, which had many servants belonging unto them, 
many of them being Irish. Some others ther were that had 
a servante or 2. a peece; but the most were servants, and 
such as were ingaged to the former persons, who allso had the 
most goods. Affter they were hither come, and some thing 
setled, the maisters desirfed some ground to imploye ther ser- 
vants upon; seing it was like to be the latter end of the year 
before they could have passage for Virginia, and they had now 
the winter before them; they might clear some ground, and 
plant a crope (seeing they had tools, and necessaries for the 
same) to help to bear their charge, and keep their servants in 
imployment; and if they had oppertunitie to departe before 
the same was ripe, they would sell it on the ground. So they 
had groimd appointed them in convenient places, and Fells 
and some other of them raised a great deall of come, which they 


sould at their departwe. This Fells, amongst his other ser- 
vants had a maid servante which kept his house and did his 
household affairs, and by the intimation of some that belonged 
unto him, he was suspected to keep her, as his concubine ; and 
both of them were examined ther upon, but nothing could be 
proved, and they stood upon their justification; so with ad- 
monition they were dismiste. But afterward it appeard she 
was with child, so he gott a small boat, and ran away with her, 
for fear of punishmente. First he went to Cap-Anne, and 
after into the bay of the Massachussets, but could get no pas- 
sage, and had Uke to have been cast away; and was forst to 
come againe and submits him selfe ; but they pact him away 
and those that belonged unto him by the first oppertunitie, 
and dismiste all the rest as soone as could, being many unto.- 
ward people amongst them; though ther were allso some that 
caried them selves very orderly all the time they stayed. And 
the plantation had some benefite by them, in selUng them 
come and other provisions of food for cloathing ; for they had 
of diverse kinds, as cloath, perpetuanes, and other stuffs, 
besids hose, and shoes, and such like commodities as the 
planters stood in need of. So they both did good, and 
received good one from another; and a cuple of barks caried 
them away at the later end of sommer. And sundrie of them 
have acknowledged their thankfullness since from Virginia. 

That they might the better take all convenient opportunitie 
to follow their trade, both to maintaine them selves, and to 
disingage them of those great sumes which they stood charged 
with, and bound for, they resoloved to build a smale pinass at 
Manamet,' a place 20. mile from the plantation, standing on 
the sea to the southward of them, unto which, by an other 
creeke on this side, they could cary their goods, withia 4. or 5. 
miles, and then transport them over land to their vessell; and 
so avoyd the compasing of Cap-Codd, and those deangerous 
shoulds, and so make any vioage to the southward in much 

• The place referred to lies near Buzzard's Bay, south of Plymouth. 


shorter time, and with farr less danger. Also for the saftie of 
their vessell and goods, they builte a house their, and kept 
some servants, who also planted come, and reared some swine, 
and were allwayes ready to goe out with the barke when ther 
was occasion. All which tooke good effecte, and turned to 
their profite. 

They now sent (with the retume of the ships) Mr. AUerton 
againe into England, giveing him full . power, imder their 
hands and seals, to conclude the former bargaine with the 
adventurers; and sent ther bonds for the paimente of the 
money. AUso they sent what beaver they could spare to pay 
some of their ingagementes, and to defray his chargs; for 
those deepe interests still kepte them low. Also he had order 
to procure a patente for a fitt trading place in the river of 
Kenebec; for being emulated both by the planters at Pas- 
cataway and other places to the eastward of them, and allso 
by the fishing ships, which used to draw much profite from 
the Indeans of those parts, they threatened to procure a grante, 
and shutte them out from thence; espetially after they saw 
them so well furnished with commodities, as to carie the trade 
from them. They thought it but needfuU to prevente such a 
thing, at least that they might not be excluded from free 
trade ther, wher them selves had first begune and discovered 
the same, and brought it to so good effecte. This year allso 
they had letters, and messengers from the Dutch-plantation, 
sent unto them from the Gov' ther, writen both in Dutch and 
French. The Dutch had traded in these southeme parts, 
diverse years before they came ; but they begane no plantation 
hear till 4. or 5. years after their coming, and here begining.* 
Ther letters were as foUoweth. It being their maner to be full 
of complementall titles. 

Eedele, Eerenfeste Wyse Voorsinnige Heeren, den Goveerneur, ende 
Raeden in Nieu-Pliemuen residerende; onse seer Goede vrinden. 

Den directeur ende Raed van Nieu-Nederlande, wensen uwe Edn: 
' See p. 172, note 1. 


eerenfesten, ende wijse voorsinnige geluck salichitt [gelukzaligheid ?], In 
Christi Jesu onsen Heere; met goede voorspoet, ende gesonthijt, naer 
Siele, ende Lichaem. Amen.' 

The rest I shall render in English, leaving out the repeti- 
tion of superfluous titles. 

We have often before this wished for an opportunitie or an occasion 
to congratulate you, and your prosperous and praise-worthy undertake- 
ings, and Goverment of your colony ther. And the more, in that we also 
have made a good begining to pitch the foundation of a coUonie hear; 
and seeing our native countrie lyes not farr from yours, and our fore- 
fathers (diverse hundred years agoe) have made and held frendship and 
alliance with your ancestours, as sufficiently appears by the old contractes, 
and entrecourses,^ confirmed under the hands of kings and princes, in the 
pointe of warr and trafick; as may be seene and read by all the world in 
the old chronakles. The which are not only by the king now reigning 
confirmed, but it hath pleased his majesty, upon mature deliberation, to 
make a new covenante,' (and to take up armes,) with the States Generall 
of our dear native country, against our commone enemie the Spaniards, 
who seeke nothing else but to usurpe and overcome other Christian kings 
and princes lands, that so he might obtaine and possess his pretended 
monarchic over all Christendom; and so to rule and command, after his 
owne pleasure, over the consciences of so many hundred thousand sowles, 
which God forbid. 

And also seeing it hath some time since been reported unto us, by 
some of our people, that by occasion came so farr northward with their 
shalop, and met with sundry of the Indeans, who tould them that they 
were within halfe a days journey of your plantation, and offered ther 
service to cary letters unto you; therfore we could not forbear to salute 
you with these few lines, with presentation of our good will and servise 
unto, you, in all frendly-kindnes and neighbourhood. And if it so fall 
out that any goods that comes to our hands from our native countrie, may 
be serviceable unto you, we shall take our selves bound to help and ac- 

' "Noble, worshipful, wise, and prudent Lords, the Governor and Council- 
lors residing in New Plymouth, our very good friends: — The Director and Council 
of New Netherland wish to your Lordships, worshipful, wise, and prudent, 
happiness in Christ Jesus our Lord, with prosperity and health, in soul and 
body. Amen." 

^Inlercursus was a usual Latin word for the Anglo-Dutch commercial 
treaties; e. g., the Intercursus Magnus of 1496 between Henry VII. of England 
and the Duke of Burgundy as Count of Flanders. 

' The Treaty of Southampton, September 8, 1625. 


commadate you ther with; either for beaver or any other wares or mar- 
chandise that you should be pleased to deale for. And if in ease we have 
no commodity at present that may give you contente, if you please to sell 
us any beaver, or otter, or such like comodities as may be usefull for us, 
for ready money, and let us understand therof by this bearer in writing, 
(whom we have apoynted to stay 3. or 4. days for your answer,) when we 
understand your minds therin, we shall depute one to deale with you, at 
such place as you shall appointe. In the mean time we pray the Lord to take 
you, our honoured good freinds and neighbours, into his holy protection. 
By the appointment of the Gov'' and Counsell, etc. 

IsAAK DE Rasier, Secretaris.' 
From the Manhatas, in the fort Amsterdam, 
March 9. An°: 1627. 

To this they returned answer as foUoweth, on the other 

To the Honoured, etc. 

The Gove'' and Counsell of New-Plim: wisheth, etc. We have 
received your leters, etc. wherin appeareth your good wills and frendship 
towards us; but is expresed with over high titls, more then belongs to us, 
or is meete for us to receive. But for your good will, and congratulations 
of our prosperitie in these smale beginings of our poore colonic, we are 
much bound unto you, and with many thanks doe acknowledg the same; 
talcing it both for a great honour done unto us, and for a certaine testimoney 
of your love and good neighbourhood. 

Now these are further to give your Wor^*"^ to understand, that it is 
to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestic hath not only bene pleased 
to confirme that ancient amitie, aliance, and frendship, and other con- 
tracts, formerly made and ratified by his predecessors of famous memorie, 
but hath him selfe (as you say) strengthened the same with a new-union 
the better to resist the prid of that commone enemy the Spaniard, from 
whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now 
forasmuch as this is sufficiente to unite us togeather in love and good 
neighbourhood, in all our dealings, yet are many of us further obliged, 
by the good and curteous entreaty which we have found in your countrie; 
haveing lived ther many years, with freedome, and good contente, as also 
many of our freinds doe to this day ; for which we, and our children after us, 

• Isaac de Rasiferes had come out to New Netherland in 1626, and remained 
there two years as chief commissary and secretary of the colony under Director 
Minuit. The date of his letter is shown by Bradford's letter-book to be a new- 
style date, after the practice of the Dutch. 


are bound to be thankfull to your Nation, and shall never forgett the same, 
but shall hartily desire your good and prosperity, as our owne, for ever. 

Likwise for your freindly tender, and offer to acommodate and help 
us with any comodities or marchandise you have, or shall come to you, 
either for beaver, otters, or other wares, it is to us very acceptable, and we 
doubte not but in short time we may have profitable commerce and trade 
togeather." But for this year we are fully supplyed with all necessaries, 
both for cloathing and other things; but hereafter it is like we shall deale 
with you, if your rates be reasonable. And therfore when you please to 
send to us againe by any of yours, we desire to know how you will take 
beaver, by the pounde, and otters, by the skine; and how you will deale 
per cent, for other comodities, and what you can f urnishe us with. As 
likwise what other commodities from us may be acceptable unto you, as 
tobaco, fish, corne, or other things, and what prises you will give, etc. 

Thus hoping that you will pardon and excuse us for our rude and 
imperfecte writing in your language, and take it in good parte, because 
for wante of use we cannot so well express that we understand, nor hapily 
understand every thing so fully as we should. And so we hiunbly pray 
the Lord for his mercie sake, that he will take both us and you into his 
keeping and gratious protection. 

By the Gove'' and Counsell of New-Plimoth, 

Your Wor^P^ very good freinds and neigbours, etc. 

New-Plim: March 19. 

After this ther was many passages betweene them both by 
letters and other entercom-se;^ and they had some profitable com- 

' Bradford here, as is shown by his letter-book, Collections of the Massachu- 
setts Historical Society, III. 52, omits the following important passage which was 
in his original letter: "But you may please to understand that we are but one 
particular colony or plantation in this land, there being divers others besides, unto 
whom it hath pleased those Honorable Lords of his Majesty's Council for New 
England to grant the like commission, and ample privileges to them (as to us) 
for their better profit and subsistence; namely to expulse, or make prize of any, 
either strangers or other English, which shall attempt either to trade or plant 
within their limits (without their special license and commission) which extend 
to forty degrees. Yet for our parts, we shall not go abolit to molest or trouble 
you in anything, but continue all good neighborhood and correspondence as 
far as we may; only we desire that you would forbear to trade with the natives 
in this bay, and river of Naragansett and Sowames, which is (as it were) at our 
doors: The which if you do, we think no other English will go about any way 
to trouble or hinder you; which otherwise are resolved to solicit his Majesty for 
redress, if otherwise they cannot help themselves." 

'Portions of this correspondence appear in Bradford's letter-book, Coll. 
Mass. Hist. Soc, III. 53-55. 


merce togither for diverce years, till other occasions interrupted 
the same, as may happily appear afterwards, more at large. 
Before they sent Mr. AUerton away for England this year, 
the Gove"" and some of their cheefe freinds had serious con- 
sideration, not only how they might discharge those great in- 
gagments, which lay so heavily upon them, and is affore 
mentioned but also how they might (if possibhe they could) 
devise means to help some of their freinds and breethren of 
Leyden over unto them, who desired so much to come to them, 
and they desired as much their company. To effecte which, 
they resolved to rime a high course, and of great adventure, 
not knowing otherwise how to bring it aboute. Which was 
to hire the trade of the company for certaine years, and in 
that time to undertake to pay that ISOOli. and all the rest of 
the debts that then lay upon the plantation, which was aboute 
some QOOli. more; and so to set them free, and returne the 
trade to the generaUtie againe at the end of the terme. Upon 
which resolution they called the company togeither, and made 
it clearly appear unto all what their debts were, and upon what 
terms they would imdertake to pay them all in such a time, 
and sett them clear. But their other ends they were faine to 
keepe secrete, haveing only privatly acquaynted some of their 
trusty freinds therwith; which were glad of the same, but 
doubted how they would be able to performe it. So after some 
agitation of the thing with the company, it was yeelded tmto, 
and the agreemente made upon the conditions following. 

Articles of agreemente betweene the collony of New-Plimmoth of the 
one partie, and William Bradford, Captein Myles Standish, Isaack 
AUerton, etc. one the other partie; and shuch others as they shall 
thinke good to take as partners and undertakers with them,* con- 
cerning the trade for beaver and other f urrs and comodities, etc. ; 
made July, 1627. 

• The names of the undertakers were William Bradford, Myles Standish, 
Isaac Allerton, Edward Winslow, William Brewster, John Rowland, John Alden, 
and Thomas Prence of the colony and James Sherley, John Beauchamp, Richard 
Andrews, and Timothy Hatherley of London. 


First, it is agreed and covenanted betweexte the said parties, that 
the afforsaid William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, and Isaack 
AUerton, etc. have undertaken, and doe by these presents, covenante and 
agree to pay, discharge, and acquite the said coUony of all the debtes both 
due for the purchass, or any other belonging to them, at the day of the 
date of these presents. 

Secondly, the above-said parties are to have and freely injoye the 
pinass latly builte, the boat at Manamett, and the shalop, called the Bass- 
boat, with all other implements to them belonging, that is in the store of 
the said company; with all the whole stock of furrs, fells, beads, come, 
wampampeak,' hatchets, knives, etc. that is now in the storre, or any way 
due unto the same uppon accounte. 

3'''. That the above said parties have the whole trade to them 
selves, their heires and assignes, with all the privileges therof, as the said 
collonie doth now, or may use the same, for 6. full years, to begine the 
last of September next insuing. 

4'^. In furder consideration of the discharge of the said debtes, every 
severall purchaser doth promise and covenante yearly to pay, or cause to 
be payed, to the above said parties, during the full terme of the said 6. 
years, 3. bushells of corne, or Qli. of tobaco, at the undertakers choyse. 

5'''. The said undertakers shall dureing the afforesaid terme bestow 
50/i. per annum, in hose and shoese, to be brought over for the coUonies 
use, to be sould unto them for corne at 6s. per bushell. 

6*''. That at the end of the said terme of 6. years, the whole trade 
shall returne to the use and benefite of the said collonie, as before. 

Lastly, if the afioresaid undertakers, after they have aquainted their 
freinds in England with these covenants, doe (upon the first returne) 
resolve to performe them, and undertake to discharge the debtes of the 
said collony, according to the true meaning and intente of these presents, 
then they are (upon such notice given) to stand in full force; otherwise all 
things to remaine as formerly they were, and a true accounte to be given to 
the said collonie, of the disposing of all things according to the former order. 

Mr. Allerton carried a coppy of this agreemente with him 
into England, and amongst other his instructions had order 
given him to deale with some of their speciall freinds, to joyne 
with them in this trade upon the above recited conditions; as 
allso to imparte their further ends that moved them to take 
this course, namly, the helping over of some of their freinds 

' See page 235, note 1, post. 


from Leyden, as they should be able ; in which if any of them 
would joyne with them they should thankfully acceptt of their 
love and partnership herein. And with all (by their letters) 
gave them some grounds of their hops of the accomphshmente 
of these things with some advantage. 

Anno Dom: 1628. 

After Mr. AUertons arivall in England, he aquainted them 
with his comission and full power to conclude the foremen- 
tioned bargan and purchas; upon the veiw wherof, and the 
delivery of the bonds for the paymente of the money yearly, 
(as is before mentioned,) it was fully concluded, and a deede^ 
fairly ingrossed in partchmente was deUvered him, under their 
hands and seals confirming the same. Morover he delte with 
them aboute other things according to his instructions. As to 
admittsomeof these their good freinds into this purchass if they 
pleased, and to deale with them for moneys at better rates, etc. 
Touching which I shall hear inserte a letter of Mr. Sherleys, giv- 
ing light to what followed therof, writ to the Gov'^ as foUoweth. 

Sr: I have received yours of the 26. of May by Mr. Gibs, and Mr. 
Goffe, with the barrell of otter skins, according to the contents ; for which 
I got a bill of store, and so tooke them up, and sould them togeather at 
78li. 12s. sterling; and since, Mr. Allerton hath received the money, as 
will apear by the accounte. It is true (as you write) that your ingagments 
are great, not only the purchass, but you are yet necessitated to take up 
the stock you work upon; and that not at 6. or 8. p' cent, as it is here let 
out, but at 30. 40. yea, and some at 50. p' cent, which, were not your 
gaines great, and Gods blessing on your honest indeaours more then 
ordinarie, it could not be that you should longe subsiste in the maintaining 
of, and upholding of your worldly affaires. And this your honest and 
discreete agente, Mr. Allerton, hath seriously considered, and deeply 
laid to mind, how to ease you of it. He tould me you were contented to 
accepte of me and some few others, to joyne with you in the purchass, as 
partners; for which I kindly thanke you and all the rest, and doe vsrillingly 
accepte of it. And though absente, shall willingly be at shuch charge as 

' "Nov. 6, 1627. Page 238." (Note by Bradford, referring to the page of 
bis manuscript. See under 1641, post) 


you and the rest shall thinke meete; and this year am contented to forbear 
my former 50li. and 2. years increase for the venture, both which now 
makes it 80li. without any bargaine or condition for the profite, you (I 
mean the generalitie) stand to the adventure, outward, and homeward. 
I have perswaded Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp to doe the like, so as 
you are eased of the high rate, you were at the other 2. yeares; I say we 
leave it freely to your selves to alow us what you please, and as God shall 
blesse. What course I rune, Mr. Beachamp desireth to doe the same; 
and though he have been or seemed somwhat harsh heretofore, yet now 
you shall find he is new moulded. I allso see by your letter, you desire I 
should be your agente or f actore hear. I have ever found you so f aithf ull, 
honest, and upright men, as I have even resolved with my selfe (God as- 
sisting me) to doe you all the good lyeth in my power; and therfore if 
you please to make choyse of so weak a man, both for abillities and body, 
to performe your bussines, I promise (the Lord enabling me) to doe the 
best I can according to those abillities he hath given me; and wherin I 
faile, blame your selves, that you made no better choyce. Now, because 
I am sickly, and we are all mortall, I have advised Mr. Allerton to joyne 
Mr. Beachamp with me in your deputation, which I conceive to be very 
necessary and good for you ; your charge shall be no more, for it is not your 
salarie maks me undertake your bussines. Thus comending you and 
yours, and all Gods people, unto the guidance and protection of the All- 
mightie, I ever rest. 

Your faithfull loving freind, 
London, Nov. 17. 1628. James Sherley. 

Another leter of his, that should ha ^hpine plane d before:— 

We cannot but take notice ho^jhe Xord hath bfpn plfnfif'djj? '^r "°°'' 
■eur-pioseedlB ^Tand cau s ed"m anv_disasteii~to4>ef^fr^n5^^ con- 

ceive the only reason to be, we, or many of us, aimed at other ends then 
Gods glorie; but now I hope that cause is taken away; the bargen being 
fully concluded, as farr as our powers will reach, and confirmed under our 
hands and seals, to Mr. Allerton and the rest of his and your copartners. 
But for my owne parte, I confess as I was loath to hinder the full confirm- 
ing of it, being the first propounder ther of at our meeting; so on the other 
side, I was as unwilling to set my hand to the sale, being the receiver of 
most part of the adventurs, and a second causer of much of the ingagments; 
and one more threatened, being most envied and aimed at (if they could 
find any stepe to ground their malice on) then any other whosoever. I 
profess I know no just cause they ever had, or have, so to doe; neither 
shall it ever be proved that I have wronged them or any of the adventurers, 


•wittingly or willingly, one peny in the disbursing of so many pounds in 
those 2. years trouble. No, the sole cause why they maligne me (as I 
and others conceived) was that I would not side with them against you, 
and the going over of the Leyden people. But as I then card not, so now 
I litle fear what they can doe; yet charge and trouble I know they may 
cause me to be at. And for these reasons, I would gladly have perswaded 
the other 4. to have sealed to this bargaine, and left me out, but they 
would not; so rather then it should faile, Mr. Alerton having taken so 
much pains, I have sealed with the rest; with this proviso and promise 
of his, that if any trouble arise hear, you are to bear halfe the charge. 
Wherfore now I doubt not but you will give your generallitie good contente, 
and setle peace amongst your selves, and peace with the natives ; and then 
no doubt but the God of Peace will blese your going out and your returning, 
and cause all that you sett your hands unto to prosper; the which I shall 
ever pray the Lord to grante if it be his blessed will. Asuredly unless the 
Lord be mercifull unto us and the whole land in generall, our estate and 
condition is farr worse then yours. Wherfore if the Lord should send 
persecution or trouble hear, (which is much to be feared,) and so should 
put into our minds to flye for refuge, I know no place safer then to come 
to you, (for all Europ is at varience one with another, but cheefly with us,) 
not doubting but to find such frendly entertainmente as shall be honest 
and conscionable, notwithstanding what hath latly passed. For I profess 
in the word of an honest man, had it not been to procure your peace and 
quiet from some turbulent spirites hear, I would not have sealed to this 
last deed; though you would have given me all my adventure and debte 
ready downe. Thus desiring the Lord to blesse and prosper you, I cease 
ever resting, 

Your faithfuU and loving freind, 
to my power, 
Des: 27. James Sheelet.* 

With this leter they sent a draught of a formall deputation 
to be hear sealed and sent back unto them, to authorise them 
as their agents, according to what is mentioned in the above 
said letter; and because some inconvenience grue therby 
afterward I shall here ioserte it. 

To all to whom these prets shall come greeting; know yee that we, 
William Bradford, Gov' of Plimoth, in N. E. in America, Isaak 
'The above letter was written on the reverse of a page (154) of the original 


Allerton, Myles Standish, William Brewster, and Ed: Winslow, of Plimoth 
aforesaid, marchants, doe by these presents for us, and in our names, 
make, substitute, and appointe James Sherley, Goldsmith, and John 
Beachamp, Salter, citizens of London, our true and lawfull agents, factors, 
substitutes, and assignes; as well to take and receive all such goods, 
wares, and marchandise what soever as to our said substitutes or either 
of them, or to the citie of London, or other place of the Relme of Engl: 
shall be sente, transported, or come from us or any of us, as allso to vend, 
sell, barter, or exchaing the said goods, wares, and marchandise so from 
time to time to be sent to such person or persons upon credite, or other 
wise in such maner as to our said agents and factors joyently, or to either 
of them severally shall seeme meete. And further we doe make and or- 
daine our said substituts and assignes joyntly and severally for us, and 
to our uses, and accounts, to buy and consigne for and to us into New- 
Engl : aforesaid, such goods and marchandise to be provided here, and to 
be returned hence, as by our said assignes, or either of them, shall be 
thought fitt. And to recover, receive, and demand for us and in our 
names all such debtes and sumes of money, as now are or hereafter shall 
be due incidente accruing or belonging to us, or any of us, by any wayes 
or means; and to acquite, discharge, or compound for any debte or sume 
of money, which now or hereafter shall be due or oweing by any person 
or persons to us, or any of us. And generally for us and in our names to 
doe, perf orme, and execute every acte and thing which to our said assignes, 
or either of them, shall seeme meete to be done in or aboute the premissies, 
as fully and effectually, to all intents and purposes, as if we or any of us 
were in person presente. And whatsoever our said agents and factors 
joyntly or severally shall doe, or cause to be done, in or aboute the premis- 
ses, we will and doe, and every of us doth ratifie, alow, and confirme, by 
these presents. In wittnes wherof we have here unto put our hands and 
seals. Dated 18. Nov''^ 1628. 

This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, and 
4. more of the cheefe of them imder their hands and seals, and 
dehvered imto them. Also Mr. Allerton formerly had au- 
thoritie imder their hands and seals for the transacting of the 
former bussines, and taking up of moneys, etc. which still he 
retained whilst he was imployed in these affaires; they mis- 
trusting neither him nor any of their freinds f aithfullnes, 
which made them more remisse in looking to shuch acts as 
had passed under their hands, as necessarie for the time; but 


letting them rune on to long unminded or recaled , it turne d to 
their harme afterwards ^B will appcrc in ita place : — 

iMfrrTyiertCnTiaving setled all things thus in a good and 
hopfuU way, he made hast to returne in the first of the spring 
to be hear with their supply for trade, (for the fishermen with 
whom he came used to sett forth in winter and be here be- 
times.) He brought a resonable supply of goods for the 
plantation, and without those great interests as before is 
noted; and brought an accoimte of the beaver sould, and how 
the money was disposed for goods, and the paymente of other 
debtes, having paid all debts abroad to others, save to Mr. 
Sherley, Mr. Beachamp, and Mr. Andrews; from whom lik- 
wise he brought an accounte which to them all amounted not 
to above 400Zi. for which he had passed bonds. AUso he had 
payed the first pajrmente for the purchass, being due for this 
year, viz. 200K. and brought them the bonde for the same 
canselled; so as they now had no more foreine debtes but the 
abovesaid 400Zi. and odde pownds, and the rest of the yearly 
purchass monie. Some other debtes they had in the cuntrie, 
but they were without any intrest, and they had wherwith to 
discharge them when they were due. To this pass the Lord 
had brought things for them. Also he brought them further 
notice that their freinds, the abovenamed, and some others 
that would joyne with them in the trad and purchass, did in- 
tend for to send over to Leyden, for a competente-nnffiber-^ 

to be hear the next year without faylek if the Lor d ) 
pl«asedr^o blesse their journey. He allso brought-themr-'a 
pateijie' for Kenebeck,* but it was so straite and ill bounded, 
as they were faine to renew and inlarge it the next year, as 
allso that which they had at home, to their great charge, as 
will after appeare. Hithertoo Mr. AUerton did them good and 
faithfuU service ; and well had it been if he had so continued, 

' The Kennebec Purchase of 1628 was better defined in the patent of January 
13, 1629/30, which was granted by the Counci! for New England and covered 
both the region of New Plymouth and the Kennebec grant. 


or els they had now ceased for imploying him any longer thus 
into England. But of this more afterwards. 

Having procured a patente (as is above said) for Kenebeck, 
they now erected a house up above in the river in the most 
convenientest place for trade,' as they conceived, and fur- 
nished the same with commodities for that end, both winter 
and sommer, not only with come, but also with such other 
commodities as the fishermen had traded with them, as coats, 
shirts, ruggs, and blankets, biskett, pease, prunes, etc.; and 
what they could not have out of England, they bought of the 
fishing ships, and so carried on their bussines as well as they 

This year^ the Dutch sent againe unto them from their 
plantation, both kind leterss, and also diverse comodities, as 
suger, linen cloth, Holand finer and courser stufes, etc. They 
came up with their barke to Manamete, to their house ther, in 
which came their Secretarie Easier;' who was accompanied 
with a noyse of trumpeters, and some other attendants; and 
desired that they would send a boat for him, for he could not 
travill so farr over land. So they sent a boat to Manonscus- 
sett, and brought him to the plantation, with the cheefe of his 
company. And after some few days entertainmente, he re- 
turned to his barke, and some of them wente with him, and 
bought sundry of his goods; after which begming thus made, 
they sente often times to the same place, and had entercourse 
togeather for diverce years; and amongst other comodities, 
they vended much tobaco for linen cloath, stuffs, etc., which 
was a good benefite to the people, till the Virginians found out 
their plantation. But that which turned most to their profite, 

' Now Augusta, Maine. 

"The dates in Bradford's letter-book, however, show that the episode oc- 
curred in October, 1627. 

' His account of the visit, a very interesting document, may be found in a 
letter he wrote to a friend in Holland, printed in the Collections of the New York 
Historical Society, second series, II. 351. Manomet (now Monument) was at 
the head of Buzzard's Bay; Manonscussett was on the opposite side of the 
isthmus, on Cape Cod Bay, in the present town of Bourne. 


in time, was an entrance into the trade of Wampampeake;' 
for they now bought aboute 50li. worth of it of them; and 
they tould them how vendable it was at their forte Orania;' 
and did perswade them they would find it so at Kenebeck; 
and so it came to pass in time, though at first it stuck, and it 
was 2. years before they could put of this small quantity, till 
the inland people knew of it; and afterwards they could scarce 
ever gett enough for them, for many years togeather. And 
so this, with their other provissions, cutt of they trade quite 
from the fisher-men, and in great part from other of the 
stragling planters. And strange it was to see the great all- 
teration it made in a few years among the Indeans them 
selves; for all the Indeans of these parts, and the Massachus- 
sets, had none or very htle of it,- but the sachems and some 
spetiaU persons that wore a litle of it for omamente. Only it 
was made and kepte amonge the Nariganssets, and Pequents, 
which grew rich arid potent by it, and these people were poore 
and begerly, and had no use of it. Neither did the English of 
this plantation, or any other in the land, till now that they had 
knowledg of it from the Dutch, so much as know what it was, 
much less that it was a commoditie of that worth and valew. 
But after it grue thus to be a comoditie in these parts, these 
Indeans fell into it allso, and to leame how to make it; for the 

' The wampumpeake, of which De Rasiferes brought specimens to Plymouth, 
was made by the Long Island Indians from the thick quahaug shells and cut in 
the shape of oblong beads with holes by which they were strung. The wampum 
made by the Plymouth colonists was evidently made from the common clam- 
shell, cut in the shape of small button-moulds; a specimen is to be seen in Pil- 
grim Hall in Plymouth. There are several spots in Plymouth where the soil is 
filled with small pieces of clam-shells, which may have been the places where the 
wampum was cut. Wampum became at a later period a legal tender among the 
colonists, the value of which was from time to time fixed by law. I have seen 
a specimen of another kind of wampum made apparently of burned white clay, 
as hard and smooth as porcelain, about three-eighths of an inch in diameter 
and a quarter of an inch thick, with intervening thin discs of shell. The Indian 
grave in East Bridgewater in which this specimen was found contained a few 
bones almost destroyed by decay, and thus suggesting great antiquity. 

" Fort Aurania, or Orange, was on the site of the present city of Albany. 

"Teag." (Br.) 


Narigansets doe geather the shells of which they make it from 
their shors. And it hath now continued a current comoditie 
aboute this 20. years, and it may prove a drugg in time. In 
the mean time it maks the Indeans of these parts rich and 
power full and also prowd therby; and fills them with peeces, 
powder, and shote, which no laws can restraine, by reasone of 
the bassnes of sundry unworthy persons, both English, Dutch, 
and French, which may turne to the ruine of many. Hither- 
too the Indeans of these parts had no peeces nor other armes 
but their bowes and arrowes, nor of many years after; nether 
durst they scarce handle a gune, so much were they affraid of 
them; and the very sight of one (though out of kilter) was a 
terrour unto them. But those Indeans to the east parts, 
which had commerce with the French, got peces of them, and 
they in the end made a commone trade of it; and in time our 
English fisher-men, led with the Hke covetoussnes, followed 
their example, for their owne gaine; but upon complainte 
against them, it pleased the kings majestie to prohibite the 
same by a stricte proclaimation,' commanding that no sorte of 
armes, or munition, should by any of his subjects be traded 
with them. 

Aboute some 3. or 4. years before this time, ther came 
over one Captaine Wolastone,' (a man of pretie parts,) 
and with him 3. or 4. more of some eminencie, who brought 
with them a great many servants, with provissions and other 
implments for to begine a plantation ; and pitched them selves 
in a place within the Massachusets, which they called, after 
their Captains name. Mount- WoUaston. Amongst whom was 
one Mr. Morton,^ who, it should seeme, had some small ad- 

' Probably the reference is to the proclamation of November 24, 1630, "for- 
bidding disorderly trade with the savages of New England." 

== Captain Wdlastone came over about 1625 with some partners and about 
thirty servants and began a plantation at what is now Quincy. 

' Thomas Morton, the celebrated author of the New English Canaan (Lon- 
don, 1637), had first visited New England, according to his own statement, in 
June, 1622 (coming no doubt in the Charity), and had been charmed with the 


venture (of his owne or other mens) amongst them; but had 
Utle respecte amongst them, and was sleghted by the meanest 
servants. Haveing continued ther some time, and not finding 
things to answer their expectations, nor profite to arise as they 
looked for, Captaine WoUaston takes a great part of the 
sarvants, and transports them to Virginia, wher he puts them 
of at good rates, seUing their time to other men; and writs 
back to one Mr. Rassdall, one of his cheefe partners, and 
accounted their marchant, to bring another parte of them to 
Verginia hkewise, intending to put them of ther as he had 
done the rest. And he, with the consente of the said Rasdall, 
appoynted one Fitcher to be his Livetenante, and goveme the 
remaines of the plantation, till he or Rasdall returned to take 
further order theraboute. But this Morton abovesaid, haveing 
more craft then honestie, (who had been a kind of petie- 
fogger, of Fumefells Inne,)' in the others absence, watches 
an oppertunitie, (commons being but hard amongst them,) and 
gott some strong drinck and other junkats, and made them a 
feast; and after they were merie, he begane to tell them, he 
would give them good cotmsell. You see (saith he) that many 
of your fellows are carried to Virginia; and if you stay till 
this Rasdall retume, you will also be carried away and sould 
for slaves with the rest. Therfore I would advise you to thruste 
out this Levetenant Fitcher; and I, having a parte in the 
plantation, will receive you as my partners and consociats; 
so may you be free from service, and we will converse, trad, 
plante, and hve togeather as equalls, and supporte and pro- 
tecte one another, or to hke effecte. This counsell was easily 
received; so they tooke oppertunitie, and thrust Levetenante 
Fitcher out a dores, and would suffer him to come no more 
amongst them, but forct him to seeke bread to eate, and other 
releefe from his neigbom-s, till he could gett passage for 
England. After this they fell to great Ucenciousnes, and led a 

' On the title-page of his book he describes himself as "Thomas Morton, of 
Clifford's Inn, Gent." 


dissolute life, powering out them selves into all profanenes. 
And Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained (as it 
vrexe) a schoole of Athisme. And after they had gott some 
good' into their hands, and gott much by trading with the 
Indeans, they spent it as vainly, in quaffing and drinking both 
wine and strong waters in great exsess, and, as some reported, 
lOli. worth in a morning. They allso set up a May-pole, 
drinking and dancing aboute it many days togeather, inviting 
the Indean women, for theic-;4;onsort|jdancing and frisking 
togither, (like so many fairiesT^or furi^/WtherJ and worse 
practises. As if they had^'new revived and celebrated the 
^^^^asteofjthe Roman Goddes Flora, or tl^ebea^^practieses 
or the madd Bacchinahans. Morton likwise (to shew his 
poetrie) conipose3~stindfy~Times-and verses, some tending to 
lasciviousnes, and others to the detmction.^d scandall of some 
persons, which he affixed tcLJhi s |dle)or i^oll^ay-p olle. They 
chainged allso the name of their place, and in steaH of calling 
it Mounte Wollaston, they call it Meriemounte, as if this 
joylity would have lasted ever. But this continued not long, 
for after Morton was sent for England, (as follows to be de- 
clared,) shortly after came over that worthy gentlman, Mr. 
John Indecott, who brought over a patent under the broad 
sealV for the govermente of the Massachusets, who visiting 
those parts caused that May-poUe to be cutt downe, and re- 
buked them for their profannes, and admonished them to 
looke ther should be better walking; so they now, or others, 
changed the name of their place againe, and called it Mounte- 

Now to maintaine this riotous prodigalUtie and profuse 
excess, Morton, thinking him selfe lawless, and hearing what 
gaine the French and fisher-men made by trading of peeces, 
powder, and shotte to the Indeans, he, as the head of this con- 
sortship, begane the practise of the same in these parts; and 

' Endicott did not bring over a patent under the broad seal. He was sent 
over before the royal charter of March 4, 1628/9, was granted. 


first he taught them how to use them, to charge, and dis- 
charg, and what proportion of powder to give the peece, ac- 
cording to the sise or bignes of the same; and what shotte to 
use for foule, and what for deare. And having thus instructed 
them, he imployed some of them to hunte and fowle for him, 
so as they became farr more active in that imploymente then 
any of the Enghsh, by reason of ther swiftnes of foote, and 
nimbhies of body, being also quick-sighted, and by continuall 
exercise well knowing the hants of all sorts of game. So as 
when they saw the execution that a peece would doe, and the 
benefite that might come by the same, they became madd, as 
it were, after them, and would not stick to give any prise they 
could attaine too for them; accounting their bowes and ar- 
rowes but babies in comparison of them. 

And here I may take nccapimi t,n bpwailp t.TiP migpTipfp jh^f 
this,mckp.d. man hRga.n in ihese-paits^^nd which since base 
covetousnes prevailing in men that should know betterT^as 
now at length gott the upper hand, and made this thing com- 
mone, notwithstanding any laws to the contrary; so as the 
Indeans are full of peeces all over, both fouling peeces, muskets, 
pistols, etc. They have also their moulds to make shotte, of 
all sorts, as muskett buUetts, pistoU bullets, swane and gose 
shote, and of smaler sorts; yea, some have seen them have 
their scruplats to make scrupins' them selves, when they 
wante them, with sundery other implements, wherwith they 
are ordinarily better fited and furnished then the English them 
selves. Yea, it is well knowne that they will have powder 
and shot, when the Enghsh want it, nor cannot gett it; and 
that in a time of warr or danger, as experience hath manifested, 
that when lead hath been scarce, and men for their owne de- 
fence would gladly have given a groat a li., which is dear 
enoughe, yet hath it bene bought up and sent to other places, 
and sould to shuch as trade it with the Indeans, at 12. pence 
the li. ; and it is like they give 3. or 4.s. the pound, for they will 

' Screw-plates, screw-pins. 


have it at any rate. And these things have been done in the 
same times, when some of their neigbom-s and freinds are daly 
killed by the Indeans, or are in deanger therof, and live but at 
the Indeans mercie. Yea, some (as they have aquainted them 
with all other things) have tould them how gunpowder is 
made, and all the materialls in it, and that they are to be had 
in their owne land; and I am confidente, could they attaine 
to make saltpeter, they would teach them to make powder. 
the horiblnes of this vilanie! how many both Dutch and 
English have been latly slaine by those Indeans, thus furnished; 
and no remedie provided, nay, the evill more increased, and the 
blood of their brethren sould for gaine, as is to be feared; and 
in what danger all these colonies are in is too well known. 
Oh! that princes and parlements would take some timly order 
to prevente this mischeefe, and at length to suppress it, by 
some exemplerie pimishmente upon some of these gaine 
thirstie murderers, (for they deserve no better title,) before 
their collonies in these parts be over throwne by these barbar- 
ous savages, thus armed with their owne weapons, by these 
evill instruments, and traytors to their neigbors and cimtrie.' 
. But I have forgott mv selfe. and have been to longe in this 
digression ;' but now to returne. This Morton having thus 
taught them the use of peeces, he sould them all he could spare; 
and he and his consorts detirmined to send for many out of 
England, and had by some of the ships sente for above a score. 
The which being knowne, and his neigbours meeting the 
Indeans in the woods armed with guns in this sorte, it was a 
terrour xmto them, who lived straglingly, and were of no 
strenght in any place. And other places (though more remote) 
saw this mischeefe would quietly spread over all, if not pre- 
vented. Besides, they saw they should keep no servants, 
for Morton would entertaine any, how vile soever, and all the 

' See the similar remarks of Captain John Smith on this subject, in Narra- 
tives of Early Virginia, of this series, pp. 346, 400, and the Virginian act of 
1619, ibid., 270. 


scume of the coxintrie, or any discontents, would flock to him 
from all places, if this nest was not broken; and they should 
stand in more fear of their lives and goods (in short time) 
from this wicked and deboste^ crue, then from the salvages 
them selves. 

So sundrie of the cheefe of the stragling plantations, meet- 
ing togither, agreed by mutuall consente to soUissite those of 
Plimoth (who were then of more strength then them all) to 
joyne with them, to prevente the further grouth of this mis- 
cheefe, and suppress Morton and his consortes before they 
grewe to further head and strength. Those that joynedin 
this acction (and after contributed to the charge of sending 
him for England) were from Pascataway, Namkeake, Winisi- 
mett, Weesagascusett, Natasco,^ and other places wher any 
English were seated. Those of Plimoth being thus sought too 
by their messengers and letters, and waying both their reasons, 
and the commone danger, were wilhng to afford them their 
help; though them selves had least cause of fear or hurte. 
So, to be short, they first resolved joyntly to write to him, and 
in a freindly and neigborly way to admonish him to forbear 
these courses, and sent a messenger with their letters to bring 
his answer. But he was so highe as he scorned all advise, and 
asked who had to doe with him ; he had and would trade peeces 
with the Indeans in dispite of all, with many other scurillous 
termes full of disdaine. They sente to him a second time, and 
bad him be better advised, and more temperate in his termes, 
for the countrie could not beare the injure he did; it was 
against their comone saftie, and against the king's proclama- 
tion. He answerd in high terms as before, and that the kings 
proclaimation was no law;^ demanding what penaltie was upon 
it. It was answered, more then he could bear, his majesties 
displeasure. But insolently he persisted, and said the king 

' Debauched. 

» /. e., the settlements at or near the present Portsmouth or Dover, Salem, 
Chelsea, Weymouth, and Nantasket, respectively. 
' See p. 236, note 1, above. 


was dead and his displeasure with him, and many the like 
things ; and threatened withall that if any came to molest him, 
let them looke to them selves, for he would prepare for them. 
Upon which they saw ther was no way but to take him by 
force; and having so farr proceeded, now to give over would 
make him farr more hautie and insolente. So they mutually 
resolved to proceed, and obtained of the Gov' of Phmoth to 
send Captaine Standish, and some other aide with him, to 
take Morton by force. The which accordingly was done; but 
they foimd him to stand stifly in his defence, having made 
fast his dors, armed his consorts, set diverse dishes of powder 
and bullets ready on the table; and if they had not been over 
armed with drinke, more hurt might have been done. They 
sommaned him to yeeld, but he kept his house, and they could 
gett nothing but scofes and scorns from him; but at length, 
fearing they would doe some violence to the house, he and some 
of his crue came out, but not to yeeld, but to shoote; but they 
were so steeld with drinke as their peeces were to heavie for 
them; him selfe with a carbine (over charged and allmost 
halfe fild with powder and shote, as was after found) had 
thought to have shot Captaine Standish; but he stept to him, 
and put by his peece, and tooke him. Neither was ther any 
hurte done to any of either side, save that one was so drunke 
that he rane his owne nose upon the pointe of a sword that one 
held before him as he entred the house; but he lost but a litle 
of his hott blood. Morton they brought away to Phmoth, 
wher he was kepte, till a ship went from the lie of Shols for 
England, with which he was sente to the Counsell of New- 
England; and letters writen to give them information of his 
course and cariage; and also one was sent at their commone 
charge to informe their Ho" more perticulerly, and to prose- 
cute against him. But he foold of the messenger, after he was 
gone from hence, and though he wente for England, yet 
nothing was done to him, not so much as rebukte, for ought 
was heard; but returned the nexte year. Some of the worst 


of the company were disperst, and some of the more modest 
kepte the house till he should be heard from. ^JBut-Xiiave 
been too long aboute so unworthy a perso n, and bad a cause. 

This year Mr. Allerton brought over a yonge man for a 
minister to the people hear, wheather upon his owne head, or 
at the motion of some freinds ther, I well know not, but it was 
without the churches sending; for they had bene so bitten by 
Mr. Lyford, as they desired to know the person well whom 
they shovild invite amongst them. His name was Mr. Rogers; 
but they perceived, upon some triall, that he was erased in his 
braine; so they were faine to be at further charge to send him 
back againe the nexte year, and loose all the charge that was 
expended in his hither bringing, which was not smalle by Mr. 
AUerton's accounte, in provissions, aparell, bedding, etc. 
After his retume he grue quite distracted, and Mr. Allerton was 
much blamed that he would bring such a man over, they 
having charge enough otherwise. 

Mr. Allerton, in the years before, had brought over some 
small quantie of goods, upon his owne perticuler, and sould 
them for his owne private benefite; which was more then any 
man had yet hithertoo attempted. But because he had other 
wise done them good service, and also he sould them among 
the people at the plantation, by which their wants were sup- 
phed, and he aledged it was the love of Mr. Sherley and some 
other freinds that would needs trust him with some goods, 
conceiveing it might doe him some good, and none hurte, it 
was not much lookt at, but past over. But this year he brought 
over a greater quantitie, and they were so intermixte with the 
goods of the generall, as they knew not which were theirs, and 
which was his, being pact up together; so as they well saw 
that, if any casualty had beefalne at sea, he might have laid 
the whole on them, if he would; for ther was no distinction. 
Allso what was most vendible, and would yeeld presente pay, 
usualy that was his; and he now begane allso to sell abroad to 
others of forine places, which, considering their commone 


course, they began to dislike. Yet because love thinkes no 
evill, nor is susspitious, they tooke his faire words for excuse, 
and resolved to send him againe this year for England; con- 
sidering how well he had done the former bussines, and what 
good acceptation he had with their freinds ther; as also seeing 
sundry of their freinds from Leyden were sente for, which 
would or might be much furthered by his means. Againe, 
seeing the patente for Kenebeck must be inlarged, by reason 
of the former mistaks in the boimding of it, and it was conceived 
in a maner, the same charge would serve to inlarge this at home 
with it, and he that had begane the former the last year would 
be the fittest to effecte this ; so they gave him instructions and 
sente him for England this year againe. And in his instruc- 
tions bound him to bring over no goods on their accoimte, but 
50li. in hose and shoes, and some Hnen cloth, (as they were 
bound by covenante when they tooke the trad;) also some 
trading goods to such a value; and in no case to exseed his 
instructions, nor runne them into any further charge; he well 
knowing how their state stood. Also that he should so provide 
that their trading goods came over betimes, and what so ever 
was sent on their accoimte should be pact up by it selfe, marked 
with their marke, and no other goods to be mixed with theirs. 
For so he prayed them to give him such instructions as they 
saw good, and he would folow them, to prevente any jellocie or 
farther offence, upon the former forementioned dislikes. And 
thus they conceived they had well provided for all things. 

Anno Dom: 1629. 

Mr. Allerton safly arriving in England, and deUvering 
his leters to their freinds their, and aquainting them with his 
instructions, found good acceptation with them, and they were 
very forward and wilHng to joyne with them in the partner- 
ship of trade, and in the charge to send over the Leyden people; 
a company wherof were allready come out of Holand, and 
prepared to come over, and so were sent away before Mr. 


Allerton could be ready to come. They had passage with the 
ships that came to Salem, that brought over many godly 
persons to begine the plantations and churches of Christ ther, 

and in the Bay of Massachussets;,so4 hcirlong stay and ke ep= 

ing ■ba.ek-^wfas-ipeeeBitpefised-ijyJiia^Lord t^Jthe^^^ here 

wi^ a duJbleJalessijB^5yJiLj;iiaj; they not only injoyed them now 
beycmd therJata pyppintialaon, ,(whgn,alli|heir hogs seemed to be 
cutt of,) LiiV^ih thOTij_m^^^more£qdly;^fre^^ 
breethr.ea,^^ Jh£i3£gilliDg^|ji^rger harvest unto the Lord, in 
the increa ss..r)f h is churches_andjeople in these parts._to,the 
admiration o f many, and allmost wonder olt hgjorld,; jhat 
of. so small beginingssoxrgsLtbhigs should, inaue, as time after 
mamfestedr-and- tha±«.hei:ajshaLMJ3J^jaure place for To 

many joiiihe Lo3aia.p£Qplfi,.«ffiha3^so ah^^ 
their owne rLati!Qn>.^_^ut it^js^sJheJLords doin^^ aM ought 

to be ffi^^dkaiiin oureze&u. ..«, 

But I shall hear inserte some of their freinds letters, which 
doe best expresse their owne minds in these thir proceedings. 

A leter of Mr. Sherleys to the Got/' 

May 25, 1629.' 
Sr: etc. Here are now many of your and our freinds from Leyden 
coming over, who, though for the most parte be but a weak company, 
yet herein is a good parte of that end obtained which was aimed at, and 
which hath been so strongly opposed by some of our former adventurers. 
But God hath his working in these things, which man cannot frustrate. 
With them we have allso sent some servants in the ship called the Talbut, 
that wente hence latly ; but these come in the May-flower. Mr. Beachamp 
and my selfe, with Mr. Andrews and Mr. Hatherly,^ are, with your love 
and liking, joyned partners with you, etc. 

Yotu: deputation we have received, and the goods have been taken 
up and sould by your freind and agente, Mr. Allerton, my selfe having 

'■ "1629, May 25, the first letter concerning the former company of Leyden 
people." (Note by Rev. Thomas Prince.) 

"Timothy Hatherley was one of the London adventurers, and arrived at 
Boston in the ship Friendship July 14, 1631. He came first in the Anne in 
1623 and returned to England. He came again to Plymouth in 1632 in the 
ship Barnstaple, sailing from Barnstaple, England, and settled in Scituate. 


bine nere 3. months in Holland, at Amsterdam and other parts in the 
Low-Countries. I see further the agreemente you have made with the 
generallitie, in which I cannot understand but you have done very well, 
both for them and you, and also for your freinds at Leyden. Mr. Bea- 
champ, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Hatherley, and my selfe, doe so like and ap- 
prove of it, as we are willing to joyne with you, and, God directing and 
inabling us, will be assisting and helpfull to you, the best that possiblie 
we can. Nay, had you not taken this course, I doe not see how you should 
accomplish the end you first aimed at, and some others indevored these 
years past. We know it must keep us from the profite, which otherwise 
by the blessing of God and your indeaours, might be gained; for most of 
those that came in May, and these now sente, though I hope honest and 
good people, yet not like to be helpfull to raise profite, but rather, ney, cer- 
taine must, some while, be chargable to you and us; at which it is lickly, 
had not this wise anddiscreete course been taken, many of your generalitie 
would have grudged. Againe, you say well in your letter, and I make no 
doubte but you will performe it, that now being but a few, on whom the 
burthen must be, you will both menage it the beter, and sett too it more 
cherfully, haveing no discontente nor contradiction, but so lovingly to 
joyne togeither, in affection and counsell, as God no doubte will blesse 
and prosper yotu" honest labours and indeavors. And therfore in all 
respects I doe not see but you have done marvelously discreetly, and ad- 
visedly, and no doubt but it gives all parties good contente; I mean that 
are reasonable and honest men, such as make conscience of giving the 
best satisfaction they be able for their debts, and that regard not their 
owne perticuler so much as the accomplishing of that good end for which 
this bussines was first intended, etc. Thus desiring the Lord to blese 
and prosper you, and all yours, and all our honest endeavors, I rest 
Your unfained and ever loving freind, 

James Sheeley. 
Lon: March 8. 1629.' 

That I may handle things together, I have put these 2. 
companies that came from Leyden in this place; though they 
came at 2. severall times, yet they both came out of England 
this year. The former company, being 35. persons, were 
shiped m May, and arived here aboute August. The later 
were shiped in the begining of March, and arived hear the later 

' " 1629-30, March 8th, the second letter concerning the latter company of 
Leyden people." (Note by Prince.) 


end of May, 1630. Mr. Sherleys 2. letters, the effect wherof I 
have before related, (as much of them as is pertinente,) men- 
tions both. Their charge, as Mr. AUerton brought it in after- 
wards on accounte, came to above 550K. besids ther fetching 
hither from Salem and the Bay, wher they and their goods were 
landed; viz. their transportation from Holland to England, 
and their charges lying ther, and passages hither, with clothing 
provided for them. For I find by accounte for the one com- 
pany, 125. yeards of karsey,' 127. ellons of linen cloath, shoes, 
66. p"", with many other perticulers. The charge of the other 
company is reckoned on the several! famiUes, some 50li., some 
40K., some SOIL, and so more or less, as their number and 
expencess were. And besids all this charg, their freinds and 
bretheren here were to provid corne and other provissions for 
them, till they could reap a crope which was long before. 
Those t.hRtjwnFMnJVT ay wprpi thus maintained upward of-1 6. 
or4SP5Riaths^bef ore they had an y hai3test-©f4fe^F-owne,-amL_ 
t.hpjTJJTprJTyiprnpnrtinTi. An^jfljHliey could_doe in the^mean 
time was to gett them some hoiising, and prepare them grounds 
to plant on, against the season. And this charg of maintaining 
them all this while was Utle less then the former sume, ^ These 
tlungs j note more perticulerly , fnr am^dr^r rpf?;Rrrl,'^,',),^,icst. to 
sE^A ^e example'herein of _brother1 y love, and Chris tian care 
in perfor min g their promises and covenants to their breth- 
eren, too, and in a sorte beyonde their power; that they should 
venture so desperatly to ingage them selves to accomplish this 
thing, and bear it so cheerfully; for they never demanded, 
much less had, any repaymente of all these great sumes thus 
disbursed. 2'^. < :Tt. must, r ^H" ^f' +>iat, thftr^syaa more then Q 

up4he hartToTshuch abkf rinds to joyne in partnership with 
them in shuch a case, and cleave so faithfulUe to them as these 
"did, in so great adventures; and the more because the most of 

» Kersey is coarse woollen cloth, usually ribbed. An ellon, or ell, was 45 


them never saw their faces to this dajr; ther being n either 
kin dred, ahance, o r_ptheL acquaintance or relajiQiis_betweene 
anyjofjhem, then hath been befoxe.JnentioJied;JjLnmstnee^ 
be Jherfprejthe spetiall worke and hand of God. S'^T^That 
these poore people here in a Wdemess should, notwithstand- 
ing, be inabled in time to repay all these ingagments, and many 
more im justly brought upon them through the imfaithfullnes 
of some, and many other great losses which they sus tained, 
which wilTbem ad e manifest, if thejjord be pleased to give Hfe 
and time. In the mean time, I cannot but admire his ways 
and workes towards his servants, and humbly desire to blesse 
his holy name for his great mercies hithertoo. 

The Leyden people being thus come over, and sundry of 
the generalitie seeing and hearing how great the charg was 
like to be that was that way to be expended, they begane to 
murmure and repin eat it, notwithstanding the burden lay 
on other mens shoulders; espetially at the pajdng of the 3. 
bushells of come a year, according to the former agreemente, 
when the trad was lett for the 6. years aforesaid. But to give 
them contente herein allso, it was promised them, that if 
they could doe it in the time without it, they would never 
demand it of them; which gave them good contente. And 
indeed it never was paid, as will appeare by the sequell. 

Concerning Mr. Allertons proceedings about the inlarging 
and confirming of their patent, both that at home and Kene- 
beck, will best appere by another leter of Mr. Sherleys; for 
though much time and money was expended aboute it, yet 
he left it imaccomplisht this year, and came without it. See 
Mr. Sherleys letter. 

Most worthy and loving freinds, etc. 

Some of your leters I received in July, and some since by Mr. Peirce, 
but till our maine bussines, the patent, was granted,' I could not setle my 

' This patent or grant was made January 13, 1629/30, to William Bradford, 
his heirs, associates and assigns, by the Council for New England, and was in 
1640 assigned by Bradford to the colony, as may be seen under that year, fost. 
It defined the territorial limits of the Plymouth Colony, and confirmed the Ken- 


mind nor pen to writing. Mr. AUerton was so turrmoyled about it, as 
verily I would not nor could not have undergone it, if I might have had a 
thousand pounds; but the Lord so blessed his labours (even beyond ex' 
pectation in these evill days) as he obtained the love and favore of great 
men in repute and place. He got granted from the Earle of Warwick" 
and Sr. Ferdinando Gorge all that Mr. Winslow desired in his letters to 
me, and more also, which I leave to him to relate. Then he sued to the 
king to confirme their grante, and to make you a corporation, and so to 
inable you to make and execute lawes, in such large and ample maner as 
the Massachusett plantation hath it; which the king graciously granted, 
referring it to the Lord Keeper to give order to the solisiter to draw it up, 
if ther were a presidente for it.^ So the Lord Keeper furthered it all he 
could, and allso the solissiter; but as Festus said to Paule, With no small 
sume of money obtained I this freedom; for by the way many ridells 
must be resolved, and many locks must be opened with the silver, ney, 
the golden key. Then it was to come to the Lord Treasurer, to have his 
warrente for freeing the custume for a certaine time; but he would not 
doe it, but refierd it to the Counsell table. And ther Mr. Allerton at- 
tended day by day, when they sate, but could not gett his petition read. 
And by reason of Mr. Peirce his staying with all the passengers at Bristoll, 
he was forct to leave the further prosecuting of it to a solissiter. But ther 
is no fear nor doubte but it will be granted, for lie hath the cheefe of them 
to freind; yet it will be marvelously needfull for him to returne by the 
first ship that comes from thence; for if you had this confirmed, then were 
you compleate, and might bear such sway and goverment as were fitt 

nebec grant. No royal charter was ever granted to the colony. In 1685 the 
colony was divided into three counties, Plymouth, Barnstable, and Bristol, and 
the town of Bristol, now in Rhode Island, was made the shire town of Bristol 
County. The patent included a strip of territory afterwards claimed by Rhode 
Island under a charter granted in 1644 to Providence Plantations by the parlia- 
mentary government, and also under a new charter granted in 1663 by Charles 
II. During the controversy between Massachusetts and Rhode Island concern- 
ing the boundary line it became necessary to exhibit the Old Colony patent in 
support of the Massachusetts claim, and after some search it was found in an 
old Bradford house in Plympton. By order of Council under date of January 
20, 1748, it was placed in the Plymouth registry of deeds where it now is. For 
its text, see Ebenezer Hazard's Historical Collections, I. 298-303, or Davis, 
History of Plymouth, pp. 146-155. 

' A Puritan earl, at this time a leading member of the Council for New 

^ For the forms and processes used in the preparation and issue of letters 
patent by the Crown, see Dr. Charles Deane's paper in the Proceedings cj the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, XI. 168. 


for your ranke and place that God hath called you unto; and stope the 
moueths of base and scurrulous fellowes, that are ready to question and 
threaten you in every action you doe. And besids, if you have the custome 
free for 7. years inward, and 21. outward, the charge of the patent will be 
soone recovered, and ther is no fear of obtaining ' it. But such things 
must work by degrees; men cannot hasten it as they would; werefore we 
(I write in behalfe of all our partners here) desire you to be ernest with 
Mr. AUerton to come, and his wife to spare him this one year more, to 
finish this great and waighty bussines, which we conceive will be much 
for your good, and I hope for your posteritie, and for many generations 
to come. 

Thus much of this letter. It was dated the 19. March, 

By which it appears what progress was made herein, and 
in part what charge it was, and how left unfinished, and some 
reason of the same ; but in truth (as was afterwards appehended 
the meaine reason was Mr. AUerton's pohcie, to have an op- 
portunitie to be sent over againe, for other regards; and for 
that end procured them thus to write. For it might then well 
enough have been finshed, if not with that clause aboute the 
custumes, which was Mr. AUertons and Mr. Sherleys device, 
and not at all thought on by the colony here, nor much re- 
garded, yet it might have been done without it, without all 
queston, having passed the kings hand ; nay it was conceived it 
might then have beene done with it, if he had pleased; but 
covetousnes never brings ought home, as the proverb is, for 
this oppertunytie being lost, it was never accomplished, but a 
great deale of money veainly and lavishly cast away aboute 
it, as doth appear upon their accounts. But of this more in 
its place. 

Mr. Alerton gave them great and just ofence in this (which 
I had omited ' and almost forgotten), — in bringing over this 
year, for base gaine, that imworthy man, and instrumente of 

' This word is here substituted for reccwering in the manuscript, on the au- 
thority of Bradford's letter-book. » 1629/30. 

' This paragraph is written on the reverse of the page immediately preceding, 
in the original manuscript. 

1629] .^^E^^saADPORD, GOVERNOR 251 

inischiefe, Morton^^^o^was sent home but the year before 
for his laai^^ffiOTsr He not only brought him over, but to 

'the^tg5roB-(a6-4t~werg_to nose them), and lodged him at his 
owne house, and for a doe his 
bussines, till he was caused to pack him away. So he wente to 
his old nest in the Massachusets, wher it was not long but by 
his miscariage he gave them just occation to lay hands on him; 
and he was by th em againe sent prisoner into England,, wher 
heJiiva^go MlySlei n Exeter .Tmlf . For besids his miscariage 
here, he was vemently suspected for the murder of a man that 
had adventured moneys with him, when he came first into 
New-England. And a warrente was sente from the Lord- 
Cheefe Justice to apprehend him, by vertue wherof he was by 
the Gov'' of the Massachusets sent into England; and for other 
his misdemenors amongst them, they demolisht his house, 
that it might be no longer a roost for shuch imclaine birds to 
nestle in. Yet he got free againe, and write an infamoxise and 
scurillous booke' against many godly and cheefe men of the 
cuntrie; full of lyes and slanders, and fraight with profane cal- 
lumnies against their names and persons, and the ways of God. 
After sundry years, when the warrs were hott in England, he 
came againe into the cuntrie, and was imprisoned at Boston 
for this booke and other things, being grown old in wickednes. 
Concerning the rest of Mr. Allertons instructions, in which 
they strictly injoyned him not to exceed above that 50li. in the 
goods before mentioned, not to bring any but trading com- 
modities, he followed them not at all, but did the quite con- 
trarie; bringing over many other sorts of retaile goods, selUng 
what he could by the way on his owne accounte, and de- 
livering the rest, which he said to be theirs, into the store; 
and for trading goods brought but litle in comparison ; excusing 

'Thomas Morton's New English Canaan (Amsterdam, 1637). Returning 
to New England in 1643, Morton was allowed to spend the winter in Plymouth, 
but, venturing incautiously within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, he was 
arrested, in September, 1644, imprisoned for a year, and fined heavily. Two 
years after, he died in Maine. 


the matter, they had laid out much about the Laiden people, 
and patent, etc. And for other goods, they had much of them 
of ther owne deahngs, without present disbursemente, and to 
Uke effect. And as for passing his bounds and instructions, 
he laid it on Mr. Sherley, etc., who, he said, they might see his 
mind in his leters; also that they had sett out Ashley at great 
charg; but next year they should have what trading goods 
they would send for, if things were now well setled, etc. And 
thus were they put off ; indeed Mr. Sherley write things tending 
this way, but it is like he was overruled by Mr. Allerton, and 
barkened more to him then to their letters from hence. 
Thus he further writs in the former leter. 

I see what you write in your leters concerning the overcomming and 
pajdng of our debts, which I confess are great, and had need be carfully 
looked unto; yet no doubt but we, joyning in love, may soone over-come 
them; but we must follow it roundly and to purposs, for if we pedle out 
the time of our trad, others will step in and nose us. But we know that 
you have that aquaintance and experience in the countrie, as none have 
the like; wherfore, freinds and partners, be no way discouraged with the 
greatnes of the debt, etc., but let us not fulfill the proverbe, to bestow 12d. 
on a purse, and put 6d. in it; but as you and we have been at great charg, 
and undergone much for setling you ther, and to gaine experience, so as 
God shall enable us, let us make use of it. And think not with 50li. pound 
a yeare sent you over, to rayse shuch means as to pay our debts. We see 
a possibillitie of good if you be well supplied, and fully furnished; and 
cheefly if you lovingly agree. I know I write to godly and wise men, such 
as have lerned to bear one an others infirmities, and rejoyce at any ones 
prosperities; and if I were able I would press this more, because it is 
hoped by some of your enimies, that you will fall out one with another, 
and so over throw your hopfull bussines. Nay, I have heard it crediblie 
reported, that some have said, that till you be disjoynted by discontents 
and fractions ' amongst your sellves, it bootes not any to goe over, in hope 
of getting or doing good in those parts. But we hope beter things of you, 
and that you will not only bear one vnth another, but banish such thoughts, 
and not suffer them to lodg in your brests. God grant you may disap- 
pointe the hopes of your foes, and procure the hartie desire of your selves 
and freinds in this perticuler. 

' Factions. 


By this it appears that ther was a kind of concxirrance 
betweene Mr. AUerton and them in these things, and that they 
gave more regard to his way and coiirse in these things, then to 
the advise from hence; which made him bould to presume 
above his instructions, and to rune on in the course he did, to 
their greater hurt afterwards, as will appear. These things 
did much trouble them hear, but they well knew not how to 
help it, being loath to make any breach or contention hear 
aboute; being so premonished as before in the leter above 
recited. An other more secrete cause was herewith concur- 
rente; Mr. AUerton had maried the daughter of their Reverend 
Elder, Mr. Brewster^ (a man beloved and honoured amongst 
them, and who tooke great paines in teaching and dispenceing 
the word of God unto them), whom they were loath to greeve 
or any way offend, so as they bore with much in that respecte. 
And with all Mr. AUerton carried so faire with him, and pro- 
cured such leters from Mr. Sherley to him, with shuch applause 
of Mr. AUertons wisdom, care, and faithfullnes, in the bussines; 
and as things stood none were so fitte to send aboute them as 
he; and if any should suggest other wise, it was rather out of 
envie, or some other sinister respecte then other wise. Besids, 
though private gaine, I doe perswade my selfe, was some cause 
to lead Mr. AUerton aside in these beginings, yet I thinke, or at 
least charitie caries me to hope, that he intended to deale 
faithfiUly with them m the maine, and had such an opinion 
of his owne abillitie, and some experience of the benefite that 
he had made in this singuler way, as he conceived he might 
both raise him selfe an estate, and allso be a means to bring in 
such profite to Mr. Sherley, (and it may be the rest,) as might 
be as Uckly to bring m their moneys againe with advantage, 
and it may be sooner then from the generaU way; or at least 

• Isaac AUerton of London married in Leyden in 1611 Mary Norris of 
Newbury, England, and came in the Mayflower with wife and three children, 
Bartholomew, Remember, and Mary. His wife died February 25, 1620/1, and 
in 1626 he married Fear, daughter of William Brewster. She died in 1634. He 
married a third wife, Joanna. 


it was looked upon by some of them to be a good help ther iinto ; 
and that neither he nor any other did intend to charge the 
generall accounte with any thing that rane in perticuler; or 
that Mr. Sherley or any other did purposs but that the generall 
should be first and fully supplyed. I say charitie makes me 
thus conceive; though things fell out other wise, and they 
missed of their aimes, and the generall suffered abundantly 
hereby, as will afterwards apear. 

Togeither herewith sorted an other bussines contrived by 
Mr. AUerton and them ther, without any knowledg of the 
partners, and so farr proceeded in as they were constrained to 
allow therof, and joyne in the same, though they had no great 
liking of it, but feared what might be the evente of the same. 
I shall relate it in a further part of Mr. Sherley's leter as 

I am to aquainte you that we have thought good to jojoie with one 
Edward Ashley (a man I thinke that some of you know) ; but it is only 
of that place wherof he hath a patente in Mr. Beachamps name;* and to 
that end have furnished him with larg provissions, etc. Now if you please 
to be partners with us in this, we are willing you shall; for after we heard 
how forward Bristoll men (and as I hear some able men of his owne 
kindrid) have been to stock and supply him, hoping of profite, we thought 
it fitter for us to lay hould of such an opportunitie, and to keep a kind of 
running plantation, then others who have not borne the burthen of setiing 
a plantation, as we have done. And he, on the other side, like an under- 
standing yonge man, thought it better to joyne with those that had means 
by a plantation to supply and back him ther, rather then strangers, that 
looke but only after profite. Now it is not knowne that you are partners 
with him; but only we 4., Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beachamp, my selfe, and 
Mr. Hatherley, who desired to have the patente, in consideration of our 
great loss we have allready sustained in setiing the first plantation ther; 
so we agreed togeather to take it in our names. And now, as I said before, 
if you please to joyne with us, we are willing you should. Mr. Allerton 
had no power from you to make this new contracte, neither was he willing 

> Apparently this is that patent which the Council for New England gave to 
John Beauchamp and Thomas Leverett on March 13, 1629/30, for a tract of 
some 900 square miles lying between the Penobscot and Muscongus Bay. At a 
later time it was known as the Waldo Patent. 


to doe any thing therin without your consente and approbation. Mr. 
William Peirce is joyned with us in this, for we thought it very conveniente, 
because of landing Ashley and his goods ther, if God please; and he will 
bend his course accordingly. He hath a new boate with him, and boards 
to make another, with 4. or 5. lustie fellowes, wherof one is a carpenter. 
Now in case you are not willing in this perticuler to joyne with us, fearing 
the charge and doubting the success, yet thus much we intreate of you, 
to afford him all the help you can, either by men, commodities, or boats ; 
yet not but that we will pay you for any thing he hath. And we desire 
you to keep the accounts apart, though you joyne with us; becase ther 
is, as you see, other partners in this then the other; so, for all mens wages, 
boats-hire, or comodities, which we shall have of you, make him debtore 
for it; and what you shall have of him, make the plantation or your selves 
debtore for it to him, and so ther will need no mingling of the accounts. 

And now, loving freinds and partners, if you joyne in Ashles patent 
and bussines, though we have laid out the money and taken up much to 
stock this bussines and the other, yet I thinke it conscionable and reason- 
able that you should beare your shares and proportion of the stock, if not 
by present money, yet by securing us for so much as it shall come too; 
for it is not barly the interest that is to be alowed and considered of, but 
allso the adventure; though I hope in God, by his blessing and your 
honest indeavors, it may soon be payed; yet the years that this partner- 
ship holds is not long, nor many; let all therfore lay it to harte, and make 
the best use of the time that possiblie we cann, and let every man put too 
his shoulder, and the burthen will be the lighter. I know you are so 
honest and conscionable men, as you will consider hereof, and retume 
shuch an answer as may give good satisfaction. Ther is none of us that 
would venture as we have done, were it not to strengthen and setle you 
more then our owne perticuler profite. 

Ther is no liclyhood of doing any good in buying the debte for the 
purchas. I know some will not abate the interest, and therfore let it 
rune its course; they are to be paied yearly, and so I hope they shall, 
according to agreemente. The Lord grant that our loves and affections 
may still be united, and knit togeither; and so we rest your ever loving 

*"«°*1«' James Shehley. 

BristoU, March 19. 1629.^ "^^^^^ Hatheelet. 

This mater of the buying the debts of the purchass was 
parte of Mr. Allertons instructions, and in many of them it 

• 1629/30, 


might have been done to good profite for ready pay (as some 
were) ; but Mr. Sherley had no mind to it. But this bussines 
aboute Ashley did not a htle trouble them; for though he had 
wite and abiUitie enough to menage the bussines, yet some of 
them knew him to be a very profane yonge man ; and he had 
for some time lived amonge the Indeans as a savage, and wente 
naked amongst them, and used their maners (in which time 
he got their language), so they feared he might still rune into 
evill courses (though he promised better), and God would not 
prosper his ways. As soone as he was landed at the place in- 
tended, caled Penobscote, some 4. score leagues from this place, 
he write (and afterwards came) for to desire to be supplyed 
with Wampampeake, come against winter, and other things. 
They considered these were of their cheefe commodities, and 
would be continually needed by him, and it would much 
prejudice their owne trade at Kenebeck if they did not joyne 
with him in the ordering of things, if thus they should supply 
him; and on the other hand, if they refused to joyne with 
him, and allso to afford any supply unto him, they should 
greatly offend their above named friends, and might hapily 
lose them hereby; and he and Mr. Allerton, lajdng their 
craftie wits togither, might gett supplies of these things els 
wher; besids, they considered that if they joyned not in the 
bussines, they knew Mr. Allerton would be with them in it, and 
so would swime, as it were, betweene both, to the prejudice 
of boath, but of them selves espetially. For they had reason 
to thinke this bussines was cheefiy of his contriving, and 
Ashley was a man fitte for his timie and dealings. So they, 
to prevente a worse mischeefe, resolved to joyne in the bussines, 
and gave him supphes in what they could, and overlooked his 
proceedings as well as they could ; the which they did the bet- 
ter, by joyning an honest yonge man^ that came from Leyden, 

' "Thomas Willett." (Br.) Thomas Willett came to Plymouth about 1630 
and was selected by the united colonies for mayor of New York after its capture 
from the Dutch in 1664. 


with him as his fellow (in some sorte), and not merely as a 
servante. Which yonge man being discreete, and one whom 
they could trust, they so instructed as keept Ashley in some 
good mesiore within bounds. And so they returned their 
answer to their freinds in England, that they accepted of their 
motion, and joyned with them in Ashleys bussines; and yet 
withall tould them what their fears were concerning him. 

But when they came to have full notice of all the goods 
brought them that year, they saw they fell very short of trading 
goods, and Ashley farr better suppleyed then themselves; 
so as they were forced to buy of the fisher men to furnish them 
selves, yea, and cottens and carseys and other such Hke cloath 
(for want of trading cloath) of Mr. Allerton himseKe, and 
so to put away a great parte of their beaver, at under rate, in 
the countrie, which they should have sente home, to help to 
discharge their great ingagementes ; which was to their great 
vexation; but Mr. Allerton prayed them to be contente, and 
the nexte yere they might have what they would write for. 
And their ingagmentes of this year were great indeed when they 
came to know them, (which was not wholy till 2. years after) ; 
and that which made them the more, Mr. Allerton had taken 
up some large simimes at BristoU at 50. p"" cent, againe, which 
he excused, that he was f orcte to it, because other wise he could 
at the spring of year get no goods transported, such were their 
envie against their trade. But wheither this was any more 
then an excuse, some of them doubted; but however, the 
burden did lye on their backs, and they must bear it, as they 
did many heavie loads more in the end. 

This paying of 50. p' cent, and dificulty of having their 
goods transported by the fishing ships at the first of the 
year, (as was beleeved,) which was the cheefe season for trade, 
put them upon another projecte. Mr. Allerton, after the 
fishing season was over, light of a bargan of salte, at a good 
fishing place, and bought it; which came to aboute 113K.; 
and shortly after he might have had 30li. cleare profite for it, 


without any more trouble aboute it. But Mr. Winslow coming 
that way from Kenebeck, and some other of ther partners 
with him in the barke, they mett with Mr. Allerton, and falling 
into discourse with him, they stayed him from selling the 
salte; and resolved, if it might please the rest, to keep it for 
them selves, and to hire a ship in the west cuntrie to come on 
fishing for them, on shares, according to the coustome; and 
seeing she might have her salte here ready, and a stage ready 
builte and fitted wher the salt lay safely landed and housed. 
In stead of bringing salte, they might stowe her full of trading 
goods, as bread, pease, cloth, etc., and so they might have a 
full supply of goods without paing fraight, and in due season, 
which might tume greatly to their advantage. Coming home, 
this was propounded, and considered on, and aproved by all 
but the Gov'', who had no mind to it, seeing they had allway 
lost by fishing; but the rest were so emest, as thinkeing that 
they might gaine well by the fishing in this way; and if they 
should but save, yea, or lose some thing by it, the other benefite 
would be advantage inough ; so, seeing their emestnes, he gave 
way, and it was referd to their freinds in England to alow, or 
disalow it. Of which more in its place. 

Upon the consideration of the bussines about the paten, 
and in what state it was left, as is before remembred, and Mr. 
Sherleys emest pressing to have Mr. Allerton to come over 
againe to finish it, and perfect the accounts, etc., it was con- 
cluded to send him over this year againe; though it was with 
some fear and jeolocie; yet he gave them fair words and 
promises of well perfo/ming all their bussineses according to 
their directions, and to mend his former errors. So he was 
accordingly sent with full instructions for all things, with large 
letters to Mr. Sherley and the rest, both aboute Ashleys bussines 
and their owne suply with trading comodities, and how much 
it did conceme them to be furnished therwith, and what they 
had suffered for wante therof ; and of what Utle use other goods 
were in comparison therof; and so likewise aboute this fishing 


ship, to be thus hired, and fraught with trading goods, which 
might both supply them and Ashley, and the benefite therof ; 
which was left to their consideration to hire and set her out, 
or not ; but in no case not to send any, exepte she was thus 
fraighte with trading goods. But what these things came too 
will appere in the next years passages. 

I had hke to have omited an other passage that fell out the 
begining of this year. Ther was one Mr. Ralfe Smith,* and his 
wife and famiUe, that came over into the Bay of the Massa- 
chusets, and sojourned at presente with some stragling people 
that hved at Natascoe ; here being a boat of this place putting 
in ther on some occasion, he emestly desired that they would 
give him and his, passage for Plimoth, and some such things as 
they could well carrie; having before heard that ther was 
liklyhood he might procure house-roome for some time, till 
he should resolve to setle ther, if he might, or els-wher as God 
should disposs ; for he was werie of being in that uncoth place, 
and in a poore house that would neither keep him nor his goods 
drie. So, seeing him to be a grave man, and understood he 
had been a minister, though they had no order for any such 
thing, yet they presumed and brought him. He was here 
accordingly kindly entertained and housed, and had the rest 
of his goods and servants sente for, and exercised his gifts 
amongst them, and afterwards was chosen into the ministrie, 
and so remained for sundrie years. 

It was before noted that simdry of those that came from 
Leyden, came over in the ships that came to Salem, wher Mr. 

' Rev. Half Smith came over with Higginson in 1629 in the ship Talbot. 
Matthew Cradock, the governor in England of the Massachusetts Company, sus- 
pected him of Separatism and sent an order to Endicott to forbid his continuance 
in Massachusetts unless he conformed to the Church. Smith, fearing trouble, 
went to Nantasket and thence to Plymouth, where he became the first settled 
pastor of the Plymouth Church after the ministrations of Elder Brewster. Mr. 
Smith was graduated at Cambridge in 1613. In 1633, while in Plymouth, he 
married Mary (Goodall), widow of Richard Masterson. He dissolved his con- 
nection with the church in 1636 after a pastorate of seven years, remaining, how- 
ever, in Plymouth several years longer, after which he preached in Manchester, 
and died in Boston in 1662. 


Endecott had cheefe command; and by infection that grue 
amonge the passengers at sea, it spread also among them a 
shore, of which many dyed, some of the scurvie, other of an 
infectious feaoure, which continued some time amongst them 
(though our people, through Gods goodnes, escaped it). 
Upon which occasion he write hither for some help, under- 
standing here was one that had some skill that way, and had 
cured diverse of the scurvie, and others of other diseases, by 
letting blood, and other means. Upon which his request the 
Gov^ hear sent him vmto them, and also write to him, from 
whom he received an answers; the which, because it is breefe, 
and shows the begining of their aquaintance, and closing in 
the truth and ways of God, I thought it not unmeete, nor 
without use, hear to inserte it ; and an other showing the be- 
gining of their fellowship and church estate ther. 
Being as foUoweth. 

Right worthy Sr: 

It is a thing not usuall, that servants to one m"' and of the same 
houshold should be strangers; I assure you I desire it not, nay, to speake 
more plainly, I cannot be so to you. Gods people are all marked with one 
and the same marke, and sealed with one and the same seale, and have 
for the maine, one and the same harte, guided by one and same spirite of 
truth; and wher this is, ther can be no discorde, nay, here must needs 
be sweete harmonic. And the same request (with you) I make unto the 
Lord, that we may, as Christian breethren, be united by a heavenly and 
unfained love; bending all our harts and forces in furthering a worke be- 
yond our strength, with reverence and fear, fastening our eyse allways on 
him that only is able to directe and prosper all our ways. I acknowledge 
my selfe much bound to you for your kind love and care in sending Mr. 
Fuller ' among us, and rejoyce much that I am by him satisfied touching 
your judgments of the outward forme of Gods worshipe. It is, as fan- 
as I can yet gather, no other then is warrented by the evidence of truth, 
and the same which I have proflessed and maintained ever since the Lord 
in mercie revealed him selfe unto me; being farr from the commone re- 
porte that hath been spread of you touching that perticuler. But Gods 

' Samuel Fuller, physician of the colony and deacon of the Plymouth church 
(as he had been in that of Leyden), came in the Mayflower. His wife came in the 
Anne in 1623. He died in 1633. 


children must not looke for less here below, and it is the great mercie of 
God, that he strengthens them to goe through with it. I shall not neede 
at this time to be tedious unto you, for, God willing, I purpose to see your 
face shortly. In the mean time, I humbly take my leave of you, commit- 
ing you to the Lords blessed protection, and rest. 

Your assured loving friend, 

Naumkeak, May 11. An°. 1629. ^''- ^ndecott. 

This second leter sheweth ther proceedings in their church 
affaires at Salem, which was the 2. church erected in these 
parts; and afterwards the Lord established many more in 
sundrie places. 

Sr: I make bould to trouble you with a few lines, for to certifie you 
how it hath pleased God to deale with us, since you heard from us. How, 
notvnthstanding all opposition that hath been hear, and els wher, it hath 
pleased God to lay a foundation, the which I hope is agreeable to his 
word in every thing. The 20. of July, it pleased the Lord to move the 
hart of our Gov' to set it aparte for a solemne day of humilliation 
for the choyce of a pastor and teacher. The former parte of. the day 
beuig spente in praier and teaching, the later parte aboute the election, 
which was after this maner.^ The persons thought on (who had been 
ministers in England) were demanded concerning their callings; they 
acknowledged ther was a towfould calling, the one an inward calling, 
when the Lord moved the harte of a man to take that calling upon him, 
and fitted him with guiftes for the same; the second was an outward 
calling, which was from the people, when a company of beleevers are 
joyned togither in covenante, to walke togither in all the ways of God, 
and every member (being men) are to have a free voyce in the choyce of 
their officers, etc. Now, we being perswaded that these 2. men were so 
quaUified, as the apostle speaks to Timothy, wher he saith, A bishop must 
be blamles, sober, apte to teach, etc., I thinke I maysay, as the eunuch 
said unto Philip, What should let from being baptised, seeing ther was 
water? and he beleeved. So these 2. servants of God, clearing all things 
by their answers, (and being thus fitted,) we saw noe reason but we might 
freely give our voyces for their election, after this triall. So Mr. Skelton 
was chosen pastor, and Mr. Higgison to be teacher; and they acceptmg 

• At this election by the Salem church the written ballot was used for the 
first time in America, as appears from the fuller copy of the letter in Bradford's 
letter-book. The transition to the congregational system of church polity is 
marked, and was important. The influence of the Plymouth example is obvious. 


the choyce, Mr. Higgison, with 3. or 4. of the gravest members of the 
church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, using prayer therwith. This being 
done, ther was imposission of hands on Mr. Higgison also. And since 
that time, Thursday (being, as I take it, the 6. of August) is appoynted for 
another day of humilliation, for the choyce of elders and deacons, and 
ordaining of them. 

And now, good Sr, I hope that you and the rest of Gods people (who 
are aquainted with the ways of God) with you, will say that hear was a 
right foundation layed, and that these 2. blessed servants of the Lord 
came in at the dore, and not at the window. Thus I have made bould to 
trouble you with these few lines, desiring you to remember us, etc. And 
so rest. 

At your service in what I may, 

Salem, July 30. 1629. Chaeles Gott. 

Anno Dom: 1630. 

Ashley, being well supplyed, had quickly gathered a good 
parcell of beaver, and like a crafty pate he sent it all home, and 
would not pay for the goods he had had of the plantation hear, 
but lett them stand still on the score, and tooke up still more. 
Now though they well enough knew his aime, yet they let him 
goe on, and write of it into England. But partly the beaver 
they received, and sould, (of which they weer sencible,) and 
partly by Mr. AUertons extolling of him, they cast more how 
to supphe him then the plantation, and something to upbraid 
them with it. They were forct to buy him a barke allso, and 
to furnish her with a m"" and men, to transporte his come and 
provissions (of which he put of much) ; for the Indeans of those 
parts have no corne growing, and at harvest, after corne is 
ready, the weather grows foule, and the seas dangerous, so as 
he could doe litle good with his shallope for that purposs. 

They looked ernestly for a timely supply this spring, by 
the fishing ship which they expected, and had been at charg to 
keepe a stage for her; but none came, nor any supply heard of 
for them. At length they heard sume supply was sent to 
Ashley by a fishing ship, at which they something marvelled, 
and the more that they had no letters either from Mr. Allerton 


or Mr. Sherley; so they went on in their bussines as well as 
they could. At last they heard of Mr. Peirce his arivall in the 
Bay of the Massachusetts, who brought passengers and goods 
thither. They presently sent a shallop, conceiving they should 
have some thing by him. But he tould them he had none; 
and a ship was sett out on fishing, but after 11. weeks beating 
at sea, she mett with shuch fouU weather as she was forcte 
back againe for England, and, the season being over, gave off 
the vioage. Neither did he hear of much goods in her for the 
plantation, or that she did belong to them, for he had heard 
some thing from Mr. Allerton tending that way. But Mr. 
Allerton had bought another ship, and was to come in her, and 
was to fish for bass to the eastward, and to bring goods, etc. 
These things did much trouble them, and half astonish them. 
Mr. Winslow haveing been to the eastward, brought nuese of 
the like things, with some more perticulers, and that it was like 
Mr. Allerton would be late before he came. At length they, 
having an oppertimitie, resolved to send Mr. Winslow, with 
what beaver they had ready, into England, to see how the 
squars wente, being very jeolouse of these things, and Mr. 
AUertons courses ; and writ shuch leters, and gave him shuch 
instructions, as they thought meet ; and if he found things not 
well, to discharge Mr. Allerton for being any longer agent for 
them, or to deal any more in the bussines, and to see how the 
accounts stood, etc. 

Aboute the midle of sommer arrives Mr. Hatherley m 
the Bay of the Massachusetts, (being one of the partners,) and 
came over in the same ship that was set out on fhishing 
(called the Frendship). They presently sent to him, making 
no question but now they had goods come, and should know 
how all things stood. But they found the former news true, 
how this ship had been so long at sea, and spente and spoyled 
her provissions, and overthrowne the viage. And he being 
sent over by the rest of the partners, to see how things wente 
hear, being at BristoU with Mr. Allerton, in the shipe bought 


(called the White- Angell), ready to set sayle, over night came 
a messenger from Bastable' to Mr. AUerton, and tould him 
of the retnrne of the ship, and what had befallen. And he not 
knowing what to doe, having a great charge under hand, the 
ship lying at his rates, and now ready to set sayle, got him to 
goe and discharg the ship, and take order for the goods. To 
be short, they foimd Mr. Hatherley some thing reserved, and 
troubled in him selfe, (Mr. Allerton not being ther,) not know- 
ing how to dispose of the goods till he came; but he heard he 
was arived with the other ship to the eastward, and expected 
his coming. But he tould them ther was not much for them 
in this ship, only 2. packs of Bastable ruggs, and 2. hoggsheads 
of meatheglin,^ drawne out in wooden fiackets (but when these 
flackets came to be received, ther was left but 6. gallons of the 
2. hogsheads, it being drunke up under the name leackage, and 
so lost). But the ship was filled with goods for simdrie gentle- 
men, and others, that were come to plant in the Massachusets, 
for which they payed fraight by the tim. And this was all the 
satisfaction they could have at presente, so they brought this 
small parcell of goods and retm-ned with this nues, and a letter 
as obscure; which made them much to marvell therat. The 
letter was as foUoweth. 

Gentle-men, partners, and loving friends, etc. 

Breefly thus : wee have this year set forth a fishing ship, and a trading 
ship, which later we have bought; and so have disbursed a great deale 
of money, as may and will appeare by the accounts. And because this 
ship (called the White Angell) is to acte 2. parts, (as I may say,) fishing 
for bass, and trading; and that while Mr. Allerton was imployed aboute 
the trading, the fishing might suffer by carlesnes or neglecte of the sailors, 
we have entreated your and our loving friend, Mr. Hatherley, to goe over 
with him, knowing he will be a comforte to Mr. Allerton, a joye to you, 
to all a carfull and loving friend, and a great stay to the bussines; and so 
great contente to us, that if it should please God the one should faile, (as 
God forbid,) yet the other would keepe both recconings, and things up- 

' Barnstaple is in Devonshire, about 70 miles from Bristol. 

^ Metheglin, or mead, was a liquor made of honey and water boiled and 
fermented, often enriched with spices. 


righte. For we are now out great sumes of money, as they will acquainte 
you withall, etc. When we were out but 4. or 5. hundred pounds a peece, 
we looked not much after it, but left it to you, and your agente, (who, 
without flaterie, deserveth infinite thanks and comendations, both of you 
and us, for his pains, etc.) ; but now we are out double, nay, trible a peece, 
some of us, etc. ; which maks us both write, and send over our friend, Mr. 
Hatherley, whom we pray you to entertaine kindly, of which we doubte 
not of. The main end of sending him is to see the state and accounte of 
all the bussines, of all which we pray you informe him fully, though the 
ship and bussines wayte for it and him. For we should take it very un- 
kindly that we should intreat him to take such a journey, and that, when 
it pleaseth God he retumes, he could not give us contente and satisfaction 
in this perticuler, through defaulte of any of you. But we hope you will 
so order bussines, as neither he nor we shall have cause to complaine, but 
to doe as we ever have done, thinke well of you all, etc. I will not promise, 
but shall indeaour and hope to effecte the full desire and grant of your 
patente, and that ere it be longe. I would not have you take any thing 
unkindly. I have not write out of jeolocie of any unjuste dealing. Be 
you all kindly saluted in the Lord, so I rest. 

Yours in what I may, 

March 25. 1630.^ "^^^^^ ^=^^^^^- 

It needs not be thought strange, that these things should 
amase and trouble them; first, that this fishing ship should 
be set out, and fraight with other mens goods, and scarce any 
of theirs; seeing their maine end was (as is before remembred) 
to bring them a full supply, and their speatiall order not to sett 
out any excepte this was done. And now a ship to come on 
their accounte, clean contrary to their both end and order, was 
a misterie they could not understand; and so much the worse, 
seeing she had shuch iU success as to lose both her vioage and 
provissions. The 2. thing, that another ship should be bought 
and sente out on new designes, a thing not so much as once 
thought on by any here, much less, not a word intimated or 
spoaken of by any here, either by word or letter, neither could 
they imagine why this should be. Bass fishing was never lookt 
at by them, but as soone as ever they heard on it, they looked 

' By error for March 25, 1631. 


at it as a vaine thing, that would certainly tume to loss. And 
for Mr. Allerton to follow any trade for them, it was never in 
their thoughts. And 3^^, that their friends should complaine 
of disbursements, and yet rune into such great things, and 
charge of shiping and new projects of their owne heads, not 
only without, but against, all order and advice, was to them 
very Strang. And 4^'', that all these matters of so great charg 
and imployments should be thus wrapped up in a breefe and 
obscure letter, they knew not what to make of it. But amids 
all their doubts they must have patience till Mr. Allerton and 
Mr. Hatherley should come. In the mean time Mr. Winslow 
was gone for England; and others of them were forst to folow 
their imployments with the best means they had, till they could 
hear of better. 

At length Mr. Hatherley and Mr. Allerton came imto them, 
(after they had dehvered their goods,) and finding them 
strucken with some sadnes aboute these things, Mr. Allerton 
tould them that the ship Whit-Angele did not belong to them, 
nor their accounte, neither neede they have any thing to doe 
with her, excepte they would. And Mr. Hatherley confirmed 
the same, and said that they woidd have had him to have 
had a parte, but he refused; but he made question whether 
they would not tume her upon the generall accounte, if ther 
came loss (as he now saw was like), seeing Mr. Allerton laid 
downe this course, and put them on this projecte. But for the 
fishing ship, he tould them they need not be so much troubled, 
for he had her accounts here, and showed them that her first 
seting out came not much to exceed 600K. as they might 
see by the accoimte, which he showed them; and for this later 
viage, it would arrise to profite by the fraight of the goods, and 
the salle of some katle which he shiped and had allready sould, 
and was to be paid for partly here and partly by bills mto Eng- 
land, so as they should not have this put on their acounte at 
all, except they would. And for the former, he had sould so 
much goods out of her in England, and imployed the money 


in this 2. viage, as it, togeither with such goods and implements 
as Mr. Allerton must need aboute his fishing, would rise to a 
good parte of the money; for he must have the sallt and nets, 
allso spiks, nails, etc.; all which would rise to nere 400Zi.; 
so, with the bearing of their parts of the rest of the loses (which 
would not be much above 200li.), they would clear them of this 
whole accounte. Of which motion they were glad, not being 
willing to have any accounts lye upon them; but aboute their 
trade, which made them willing to harken therunto, and de- 
mand of Mr. Hatherly how he could make this good, if they 
should agree their imto, he tould them he was sent over as their 
agente, and had this order from them, that whatsoever he and 
Mr. Allerton did togeather, they would stand to it; but they 
would not alow of what Mr. Allerton did alone, except they 
liked it; but if he did it alone, they would not gaine say it. 
Upon which they sould to him and Mr. Allerton all the rest of 
the goods, and gave them present possession of them; and a 
writing was made, and confirmed under both Mr. Hatherleys 
and Mr. Allertons hands, to the effecte afforesaide. And Mr. 
Allertone, being best aquainted with the people sould away 
presenly all shuch goods as he had no need of for the fishing, 
as 9. shallop sails, made of good new canvas, and the roaps for 
them being all new, with sundry such usefuU goods, for ready 
beaver, by Mr. Hatherleys allowance. And thus they thought 
they had well provided for them selvs. Yet they rebuked Mr. 
Allerton very much for runing into these courses, fearing the 
success of them. Mr. Allerton and Mr. Hatherley brought to 
the towne with them (after he had sould what he could abroad) 
a great qviantity of other goods besids trading comodities; as 
linen cloath, bedticks, stockings, tape, pins, ruggs, etc., and 
tould them they were to have them, if they would; but they 
tould Mr. Allerton that they had forbid him before for bringing 
any such on their accounte; it would hinder their trade and 
retumes. But he and Mr. Hatherley said, if they would not 
have them, they would sell them, them selves, and take come 


for what they could not otherwise sell. They tould them they 
might, if they had order for it. The goods of one sorte and 
other came to upward of 500li. 

After these things, Mr. AUerton wente to the ship aboute 
his bass fishing; and Mr. Hatherley, (according to his order,) 
after he tooke knowledg how things stood at the plantation, 
(of all which they informed him fully,) he then desired a boate 
of them to goe and visite the trading houeses, both Kenebeck, 
and Ashley at Penobscote ; for so they in England had injoyned 
him. They accordinglvfu Tnished him with a boate a^ men 
for the viage, and aquainted him plainly and tho rowly with all "^ 
tlung&pEy'whicTi 'he'^M'g5o3^^^ii ^tP^ t fi& -^^ and 

saw. plainly that Mr. Allert^' plaid his owne gaxmjhm rane a 
couirse not only to the great wrong^SoFaethmente of the plan- 
tation, who imployeH and 'Irus^edTT umTTut abused the m in 

England also. la^pflsaessiaLlhfim,.s ith prejudice- agajn stthe 
plantation ; a,s that they would neyerJb,e,Able to repaye their 
moneys (in regard, of .,tlieii:-sr-ea,t- chargaX-hu l if thev ~would:' 
follow his a,dyice and projects, he and Ashley (being well sT 
plyed) would quickly -brtng Tn their moneyi "wrt£"^od ad- 
^ya3ita; ge; — Mrr^fa thSflCT"'disclosed also a further projecte 
aboute the setting out of this ship, the White-angell; how, she 
being wel fitted with good ordnance, and known to have made 
a great fight at sea (when she belonged to BristoU) and caried 
away the victory, they had agreed (by Mr. Allerton's means) 
that, after she had brought a fraight of goods here into the 
countrie, and fraight her seKe with fish, she should goe from 
hence to Port of porte,^ and ther be sould, both ship, goods, 
and ordenance; and had, for this end, had speech with a 
factore of those parts, beforehand, to whom she should have 
been consigned. But this was prevented at this time, (after 
it was known,) partly by the contrary advice given by their 
freinds hear to Mr. AUerton and Mr. Hatherley, showing how 
it might insnare their friends in England, (being men of estate,) 

' Oporto in Portugal. 


if it should come to be knowne ; and for the plantation, they 
did and would disalow it, and protest against it; and partly 
by their bad viage, for they both came too late to doe any 
good for fishing, and allso had such a wicked and drunken 
company as neither Mr. Allerton nor any els could rule ; as 
Mr. Hatherley, to his great greefe and shame, saw, and beheld, 
and all others that came nere them. 

Ashley likwise was taken in a trape, (before Mr. Hatherley 
returned,) for trading powder and shote with the Indeans; 
and was ceased upon by some in authoritie, who allso would 
have confiscated above a thousand weight of beaver; but the 
goods were freed, for the Gov'' here made it appere, by a bond 
under Ashleys hand, wherin he was bound to them in 500K. 
not to trade any mimition with the Indeans, or other wise 
to abuse him selfe; it was also manifest against him that he 
had commited uncleannes with Indean women, (things that 
they feared at his first imployment, which made them take 
this strict coxorse with him in the begining) ; so, to be shorte, 
they gott their goods freed, but he was sent home prisoner. 
And that I may make an end 'concerning him, after some time 
of imprisonmente in the Fleet,^ by the means of friends he was 
set at liberty, a,nd_intended to come over againe, jDut the Lord 
p revented it: for be ha3~ar motion made Lu him, b^'-seme 
marchants, to goe into Russia, because he had such good skill 
in the beaver trade, the which he accepted of, and in his returne 
home was cast away at sea; this was his end. 

Mr. Hatherley, fully understanding the state of all things, 
had good satisfaction, and could well informe them how all 
things stood betweene Mr. Allerton and the plantation. Yea, 
he found that Mr. Allerton had gott within him, and got all the 
goods into his owne hands, for which Mr. Hatherley stood 
joyntly ingaged to them hear, aboute the ship-Freindship, as 
also most of the fraigte money, besids some of his owne per- 
ticuler estate; about which more wiU appear here after. So 

' The celebrated prison on the Fleet market, in the city of London. 


he returned into England, and they sente a good quantity of 
beaver with him to the rest of the partners; so both he and it 
was very wellcome unto them. 

Mr. Allerton followed his affaires, and returned with his 
WMte Angell, being no more imployed by the plantation; but 
(these bussinesses were not ended till many years a,fter, nnr ypll 
imderslood[ of a longe time, but,>and 
kepte in the clouds, to the great loss and-vexatioa of the^planta- 
tion, who in the end were (for peace sake) fprc,e,d,toJbeg,r the 
unjust burtlieh of them, to their allmost imdoing, as will ap- 
/pear, if God give hfe to finish this history. ' ■— ™-^ 

They sent their letters also by Mr. Hatherley to the partners 
ther, to show them how Mr. Hatherley and Mr, Allerton had 
discharged them of the Friendship accounte, and that they 
boath affirmed that the White-Angell did not at all belong to 
them; and therfore desired that their accoimte might not be 
charged therwith. Also they write to Mr. Winslow, their 
agente, that he in Hke maner should (in their names) protest 
against it, if any such thing should be intended, for they would 
never yeeld to the same. As allso to signifie to them that they 
renounsed Mr. Allerton wholy, for being their agente, or to 
have any thing to doe in any of their bussines. 

This year John Billinton the elder (one that came over with 
the first) was arrained, and both by grand and petie jurie 
found guilty of willfull murder, by plaine and notorious evi- 
dence. And was for the same accordingly executed. This, 
as it was the first execution amongst them, so was it a mater of 
great sadnes unto them. They used all due means about his 
triall, and tooke the advice of Mr. Winthrop and other the 
ablest gentle-men in the Bay of the Massachusets, that were 
then new-ly come over, who concured with them that he ought 
to dye, and the land to be purged from blood. He and some 
of his had been often punished for miscariags before, being one 
of the profanest famiUes amongst them. They came from 
London, and I kno^v not by what freinds shufled into their 


company. His facte was, that he way-laid a yong-man, one 
John New-comj^^^ahout a former quarell,) and shote him with 
a gune, whey6f he dyed.' "^s 

Havmg^y a providenc^.'^ letter or to that came to my 
hands conceiSng"lKe^poceedingToTtireir Re"^: freinds in the 
Bay of the Massachusets, who were latly come over, I thought 
it not amise here to inserte them, (so farr as is pertenente, and 
may be usefull for after times,) before I conclude this year. 

Sr: Being at Salem the 25. of July, being the saboath, after the 
evening exercise, Mr. Johnson received a letter from the Gov'', Mr. 
John Winthrop, manifesting the hand of God to be upon them, and 
against them at Charles-towne, in visiting them with sicknes, and taking 
diverse from amongst them, not sparing the righteous, but partaking with 
the wicked in these bodily judgments. It was therfore by his desire taken 
into the Godly consideration of the best hear, what was to be done to 
pacific the Lords wrath, etc. Wher it was concluded, that the Lord was 
to be sought in righteousnes; and to that end, the 6. day (being Friday) 
of this present weeke, is set aparte, that they may humble them selves 
before God, and seeke him in his ordenances; and that then also such 
godly persons that are amongst them, and known each to other, may 
publickly, at the end of their exercise, make known their Godly desire, 
and practise the same, viz. solemnly to enter into covenante with the 
Lord to walke in his ways. And since they are so disposed of in their 
outward estats, as to live in three distinct places, each having men of 
abilitie amongst them, ther to observe the day, and become 3. distincte 
bodys; not then intending rashly to proceed to the choyce of oflBcers, or 
the admitting of any other to their societie then a few, to witte, such as 
are well knowne imto them; promising after to receive in such by confes- 
sion of faith, as shall appeare to be fitly qualified for the estate. They doe 
ernestly entreate that the church of Plimoth would set apparte the same 
day, for the same ends, beseeching the Lord, as to withdraw his hand of 
correction from them, so also to establish and direct them in his wayes. 
And though the time be shorte, we pray you be provocked to this godly 
worke, seing the causes are so urgente; wherin God will be honoured, and 
they and we undoubtedly have sweete comforte. Be you all kindly 
saluted, etc. 

Salem, July 26. 1630. Your brethren in Christ, etc. 

' This paragraph was written on the reverse of a page (180) of the original 
manuscript, near this place. 


Sr : etc. The sadd news here is, that many are sicke, and many are 
dead; the Lord in mercie looke upon them. Some are here entered into 
church covenante; the first were 4. namly, the Gov', Mr. John 
Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Willson;^ since that 5. 
more are joyned unto them, and others, it is like, ■s^^iK adde them selves to 
them dayly; the Lord increase them, both in number and in holines for 
his mercie sake. Here is a gentleman, one Mr. Cottington, (a Boston 
man,) who tould me, that Mr. Cottons charge at Hamton was, that they 
should take advise of them at Plimoth, and should doe nothing to offend 
them. Here are diverce honest Christians that are desirous to see us, 
some out of love which they bear to us, and the good perswasion they have 
of us; others to see whether we be so ill as they have heard of us. We 
have a name of holines, and love to God and his saincts ; the Lord make 
us more and more answerable, and that it may be more then a name, or 
els it will doe us no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and all the rest of our 
friends. The Lord Jesus blese us, and the whole Israll of God. Amen. 

Your loving brother, etc. 

Charles-towne, Aug. 2. 1630. 

Thus out of smalle beginings greater things have been 
produced by his hand that made all things of nothing, and 
gives being to all things that are; and as one small candle may 
light a thousand, so the light here kindled hath shone to many, 
yea in some sorte to our whole nation; let the glorious name of 
Jehova have all the praise. 

Anno Dom: 1631. 

AsHMY_being thus bxife§~ilMd_of. Godjaken away, and 
Mr. Allerton discharged of his imploymente for them, their 
bussines began againe to rune hi one chanell, and them selves 
better able to guide the same, Penobscote being wholy now at 

1 Governor Winthrop, Isaac Johnson and Thomas Dudley of the court of 
assistants, and Rev. John Wilson, subsequently elected teacher of the church, 
united in a covenant to form the church, then admitted others. Rev. John 
Cotton, mentioned just below, was a famous Puritan divine of Boston, England, ^ 
who three years later became teacher of this church formed at Charlestown but 
soon transferred to Boston. Wilson became its pastor. The person mentioned 
below as "Mr. Cottington" was WiUiam Coddington, a native of Boston in 
England, now a member of the court of assistants, afterwards banished for sym- 
pathy with Mrs. Hutchinson, and a founder and governor of Rhode Island. 


their disposing. And though Mr, William Peirce had a parte 
ther as is before noted, yet now, as things stood, he was glad to 
have his money repayed him, and stand out. Mr. Winslow, 
whom they had sent over, sent them over some supply as 
soone as he could; and afterwards when he came, which was 
something longe by reason of bussines, he brought a large 
supply of suitable goods with him, by which ther trading 
was well carried on. But by no means either he, or the 
letters they write, could take off Mr. Sherley and the rest 
from putting both the Friendship and Whit-Angell on the 
generall accounte; which caused continuall contention be- 
tweene them, as will more appeare. 

I shall inserte a leter of Mr. Winslow's about these things, 
being as foloweth. 

Sr: It fell out by Gods providence, that I received and brought your 
leters p'' Mr. Allerton from Bristol!, to London; and doe much feare 
what will be the event of things. Mr. Allerton intended to prepare the 
ship againe, to set forth upon fishing. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beachamp, and 
Mr. Andrews, they renounce all perticulers, protesting but for us they 
would never have adventured one penie into those parts; Mr. Hatherley 
stands inclinable to either. And wheras you write that he and Mr. 
Allerton have taken the Whit-Angell upon them, for their partners here, 
they prof esse they neiver gave any such order, nor will make it good; if 
them selves will cleare the accounte and doe it, all shall be well. What 
the evente of these things will be, I know not. The Lord so directe and 
assiste us, as he may not be dishonoured by our divissions. I hear (p' 
a freind) that I was much blamed for speaking w**^ [what] I heard in the 
spring of the year, concerning the buying and setting forth of that ship;^ 
sure, if I should not have tould you what I heard so peremtorly reported 
(which report I offered now to prove at BristoU), I should have been 
unworthy my imploymente. And concerning the commission so long 
since given to Mr. Allerton, the truth is, the thing we feared is come 
upon us; for Mr. Sherley and the rest have it, and will not deliver it, 
that being the ground of our agents credite to procure shuch great sumes. 
But I looke for bitter words, hard thoughts, and sower looks, from 
sundrie, as well for writing this, as reporting the former. I would I had 

' "This was about the selling the ship in Spaine." (Br.) Oporto, like the 
rest of Portugal, was a part of the Spanish monarchy from 1580 to 1640. 


a more thankfull imploymente; but I hope a good conscience shall make 
it comefortable, etc. 

Thus farr he. Dated Nov: 16. 163L 

The comission above said was given by them under their 
hand and seale, when Mr. AUerton was first imployed by them, 
and redemanded of him in the year 29. when they begane to 
suspecte his course. He tould them it was amongst his papers, 
but he would seeke it out and give it them before he wente. 
But he being ready to goe, it was demanded againe. He said 
he could not find it, but it was amongst his papers, which he 
must take with him, and he would send it by the boat from the 
eastward ; but ther it could not be had neither, but he would 
seeke it up at sea. But whether Mr. Sherley had it before or 
after, it is not certaine ; but having it, he would not let it goe, 
but keeps it to this day. Wherfore, even amongst freinds, 
men had need be carfull whom they trust, and not lett things 
of this nature lye long imrecaled. 

Some parts of Mr. Sherley' s letters aboute these things, in which the truth 

is best manifested. 

St: Yours I have received by our loving friends, Mr. AUerton and 
Mr. Hatherley, who, blesed be God, after a long and dangerous passage 
with the ship Angell, are safely come to Bristoll. Mr. Hatherley is come 
up, but Mr. AUerton I have not yet seen. We thanke you, and are very 
glad you have disswaded him from his Spanish viage, and that he did not 
goe on in these designes he intended; for we did all uterly dislick of that 
course, as allso of the fishing that the Freindship should have performed; 
for we wished him to sell the salte, and were unwilling to have him under- 
take so much bussines, partly for the ill success we formerly had in those 
affairs, and partly being loath to disburse so much money. But he per- 
swaded us this must be one way that must repay us, for the plantation 
would be long in doing of it; ney, to my rememberance, he doubted you 
could not be able, with the trade ther, to maintaine your charge and pay 
us. And for this very cause he brought us on that bussines with Ed: 
Ashley, for he was a stranger to us, etc. 

For the fishing ship, we are sorie it proves so heavie, and wiU be willing 
to bear our parts. What Mr. Hatherley and Mr. AUerton have done, no 


doubt but them selves will make good;' we gave them no order to make 
any composition, to seperate you and us in this or any other. And I thinke 
you have no cause to forsake us, for we put you upon no new thing, but 
what your agent perswaded us to, and you by your letters desired. If he 
exceede your order, I hope you will not blame us, much less cast us of, 
when our moneys be layed out, etc. But I fear neither you nor we have 
been well delte withall, for sure, as you write, half e 4000;i., nay, a quarter, 
in fitting comodities, and in seasonable time, would have furnished you 
beter then you were. And yet for all this, and much more I might write, 
I dare not but thinke him honest, and that his desire and intente was good; 
but the wisest may faile. Well, now that it hath pleased God to give us 
hope of meeting, doubte not but we will all indeavore to perfecte these 
accounts just and right, as soone as possibly we can. And I supposs you 
sente over Mr. Winslow, and we Mr. Hatherley, to certifie each other how 
the state of things stood. We have received some contente upon Mr. 
Hatherley's retume, and I hope you will receive good contente upon Mr. 
Winslow's retume. Now I should come to answer more perticulerly your 
letter, but herin I shall be very breefe. The coming of the White Angele 
on your accounte could not be more Strang to you, then the buying of her 
was to us; for you gave him commission^ that what he did you would 
stand too; we gave him none, and yet for his credite, and your saks, payed 
what bills he charged on us, etc. For that I write she was to acte tow 
parts, fishing and trade; beleeve me, I never so much as thought of any 
perticuler trade, nor will side with any that doth, if I conceive it may 
wrong you; for I ever was against it, useing these words: They will eate 
up and destroy the generall. 

' "They were too short in resting on Mr. Hatherleys honest word, for his 
order to discharg them from the Friendship's accounte, when he and Mr. AUerton 
made the bargane with them, and they delivered them the rest of the goods; and 
therby gave them oppertunitie also to receive all the fraight of boath viages, 
without seeing an order (to have such power) under their hands in writing, which 
they never doubted of, seeing he affirmed he had power; and they both knew his 
honestie, and that he was spetially imploy'ed for their agente at this time. And 
he was as shorte in resting on a verball order from them; which was now denyed, 
when it came to a perticuler of loss; but he still affirmed the same. But they 
were both now taught how to deale in the world, espetially with marchants, in 
such cases. But in the end this fight upon these here also, for Mr. AUerton had 
gott all into his owne hand, and Mr. Hatherley was not able to pay it, except 
they would have uteriie undon him, as the sequel] will manifest." (Note by 

' "This commission is abused; he never had any for shuch end, as they well 
knew, nether had they any to pay this money, nor would have paid a peny, if 
they had not pleased for some other respecte." (Br.) 


Other things I omite as tedious, and not very pertenente. 
This was dated Nov"". 19. 163L 

In an other leter bearing date the 24. of this month, being 
an answer to the generall order, he hath these words: — 

For the White Angell, against which you write so ernestly, and say 
we thrust her upon you, contrary to the intente of the buyer, herin we say 
you forgett your selves, and doe us wrong. We will not take uppon us to 
devine what the thougts or intents of the buyer was, but what he spack we 
heard, and that we will afiirme, and make good against any that oppose 
it; which is, that unles shee were bought, and shuch a course taken, 
Ashley could not be supplyed; and againe, if he weer not supplyed, we 
could not be satisfied what we were out for you. And further, you were 
not able to doe it; and he gave some reasons which we spare to relate, 
unless by your unreasonable refusall you will force us, and so hasten that 
fire which is a kindling too fast allready, etc. 

Out of another of his, bearing date Jan. 2. 1631. 

We purpose to keep the Freindship and the Whit Angell, for the last 
year viages, on the generall accounte, hoping togeither they will rather 
produse profite then loss, and breed less confution in our accounts, and 
less disturbance in our affections. As for the White Angell, though we 
layed out the money, and tooke bills of salle in our owne names, yet none 
of us had so much as a thought (I dare say) of deviding from you in any 
thing this year, because we would not have the world (I may say Bristol!) 
take notice of any breach betwixte Mr. Allerton and you, and he and us; 
and so disgrace him in his proceedings o[n] in his intended viage. We 
have now let him the ship at SOU. p'' month, by charter-partie, and 
bound him in a bond of a lOOOZi. to performe covenants, and bring her to 
London (if God please). And what he brings in her for you, shall be 
marked with your marke, and bils of laden taken, and sent in Mr. Wins- 
lows letter, who is this day riding to BristoU about it. So in this viage, 
we deale and are with him as strangers. He hath brought in 3. books 
of accounts, one for the company, an other for Ashley's bussines, and the 
third for the Whit-Angell and Freindship. The books, or coppies, we 
purpose to send you, for you may discover the errours in them better then 
we. We can make it appear how much money he hath had of us, and 
you can charg him with all the beaver he hath had of you. The totall 
sume, as he hath put it, is 7103. 17. 1. Of this he hath expended, and 
given to Mr. Vines and others, aboute 5432i. ode money, and then by 


your books you will find whether you had such, and so much goods, as he 
chargeth you with all; and this is all that I can say at presente concerning 
these accounts. He thought to dispatch them in a few howers, but he 
and Straton and Fogge were above a month aboute them; but he could 
not stay till we had examined them, for losing his fishing viage, which I 
fear he hath allready done, etc. 

We blese God, who put both you and us in mind to send each to other, 
for verily had he rune on in that desperate and chargable course one year 
more, we had not been able to suport him; nay, both he and we must have 
lyen in the ditch, and sunck under the burthen, etc. Had ther been an 
orderly course taken, and your bussines better managed, assuredly (by 
the blessing of God) you had been the ablest plantation that, as we think, 
or know, hath been undertaken by Englishmen, etc. 

Thus farr of these letters of [Mr. Sherley's.]' 

A few observations from the former letters, and then I 
shall set downe the simple truth of the things (thus in con- 
troversie betweene them), at least as farr as by any good 
evidence it could be made to appeare; and so laboure to be 
breefe in so tedious and intricate a bussines, which hunge in 
expostulation betweene them many years before the same was 
ended. That though ther will be often occasion to touch these 
things about other passages, yet I shall not neede to be large 
therin; doing it hear once for all. 

First, it seemes to appere clearly that Ashley's bussines, 
and the buying of this ship, and the courses framed ther upon, 
were first contrived and proposed by Mr. Allerton, as also that 
the pleaes and pretences which he made, of the inablitie of the 
plantation to repaye their moneys, etc., and the hops he gave 
them of doing it with profite, was more beleeved and rested on 
by them (at least some of them) then any thing the plantation 
did or said. 

2. It is Uke, though Mr. Allerton might thinke not to 
wrong the plantation in the maine, yet, jus ow ne gaine and 
p rivate ends led him a side in these things; for it came to be 
knowne, and I have itm a letter undeFMr. bUerley's hand, that 
in the first 2. or 3. years of his imploymente, he had cleared up 

*Tbe last two words not found in the manuscript, but obviously intended. 


400K. and put it into a brew-house of Mr. Colliers in London, 
at first under Mr. Sherley's name, etc. ; besids what he might 
have other wise. Againe, Mr. Sherley and he had perticuler 
dealings in some things ; for he bought up the beaver that sea- 
men and other passengers brought over to BristoU, and at 
other places, and charged the bills to London, which Mr. 
Sherley payed; and they got some time 50li. a peece in a 
bargen, as was made knowne by Mr. Hatherley and others, 
besids what might be other wise; which might make Mr. 
Sherley harken imto him in many things; and yet I beleeve, 
as he in his forementioned leter write, he never would side in 
any perticuler trade which he conceived would wrong the 
plantation, and eate up and destroy the generall. 

3^y. It may be perceived that, seeing they had done so 
much for the plantation, both in former adventures and late 
disbursements, and allso that Mr. Allerton was the first oc- 
casioner of bringing them upon these new designes, which at 
first seemed faire and profitable unto them, and unto which 
they agreed; but now, seeing them to tume to loss, and de- 
cline to greater intanglments, they thought it more meete for 
the plantation to bear them, then them selves, who had borne 
much in other things alheady, and so tooke advantage of such 
comission and power as Mr. Allerton had formerly had as their 
agente, to devolve these things upon them. 

4'y. With pitie and compassion (touching Mr. Allerton) 

that wiUhe_xicKfaLLjMo many temtations and snare s, etc., and 
pearce them_£dves~thr.ow~ with m^my-^axi^issi^ efr..; fm- tlr^.m)^_ r^ 
money. is the roote-of alLemllf-Y:. 10. God give him to see the 
evill in his failings, that he may find mercie by repentance 
for the wrongs he hath done to any, and this pore plantation in 
spetiall. They that doe such things doe not only bring them 
selves into snares, and sorrows, but many with them, (though 
in an other kind,) as lamentable experience shows; and is too 
manifest in this bussines. 


Now about these ships and their setting forth, the truth, as 
farr as could be learned, is this. The motion aboute setting 
forth the fishing ship (caled the Frindship) came first from the 
plantation, and the reasons of it, as is before remembered; 
but wholy left to them selves to doe or not to doe, as they saw 
cause. But when it fell into consideration, and the designe 
was held to be profitable and hopefull, it was propounded by 
some of them, why might not they doe it of them selves, seeing 
they must disburse all the money, and what need they have 
any refferance to the plantation in that ; they might take the 
profite them selves, towards other losses, and need not let the 
plantation share therin; and if their ends were other wise 
answered for their supplyes to come too them in time, it would 
be well enough. So they hired her, and set her out, and 
fraighted her as full as she could carry with passengers goods 
that belonged to the Massachussets, which rise to a good sume 
of money; intending to send the plantations supply in the 
other ship. The effecte of this Mr. Hatherley not only de- 
clared afterward upon occasion, but affirmed upon othe, taken 
before the Gov' and Dep: Gov'' of the Massachusets, Mr. 
Winthrop and Mr. Dudley: That this shvp-Frindship was 
not sett out nor intended for the joynt partnership of the plan- 
tation, but for the perticuler accoimte of Mr. James Sherley, 
Mr. Beachampe, Mr. Andrews, Mr. AUerton, and him selfe. 
This deposition was taken at Boston the 29. of Aug: 1639. 
as is to be seen tmder their hands ; besids some other concurente 
testimonies declared at severall times to sundrie of them. 

Aboute the Whit-Angell, though she was first bought, or 
at least the price beaten, by Mr. Allerton (at BristoU), yet that 
had been nothing if Mr. Sherley had not liked it, and disbursed 
the money. And that she was not intended for the plantation 
appears by sundrie evidences;' as, first, the bills of sale, or 

' "About the WhiPAngell they all mette at a certaine taveme in London, 
wher they had a diner prepared, and had a conference with a factore aboute 
selling of her in Spaine, or at Port a porte, as hath been before mentioned; as 
Mr. Hatherley manifested, and Mr. Allerton could not deney." (Br.) 


charter-parties, were taken va their owne names, without any 
mention or refferance to the plantation at all; viz. Mr. Sherley, 
Mr. Beachampe, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Denison, and Mr. Allerton; 
for Mr. Hatherley fell off, and would not joyne with them in 
this. That she was not bought for their accounte, Mr. Hath- 
erley tooke his oath before the parties afforesaid, the day and 
year above writen. 

Mr. Allerton tooke his oath to like effecte concerning this 
ship, the Whit-Angell, before the Gov"^ and Deputie, the 7. 
of Sep: 1639. and likewise deposed, the same time, that Mr. 
Hatherley and him selfe did, in the behalfe of them selves and 
the said Mr. Sherley, Mr. Andrews, and Mr. Beachamp, agree 
and imdertake to discharge, and save harmless, all the rest 
of the partners and pm-chasers, of and from the said losses of 
Freindship for 200li., which was to be discounted therupon; 
as by ther depossitions (which are in writing) may appeare 
more at large, and some other depositions and other testemonies 
by Mr. Winslow,' etc. But I suppose these may be sufficente 
to evince the truth in these things, against all pretences to the 
contrary. And yet the burthen lay still upon the plantation; 
or, to speake more truly and rightly, upon those few that were 
ingaged for all, for they were faine to wade through these 
things without any help from any. 

Concerning Mr. Allerton's accounts, they were so larg and 
intrecate, as they could not well understand them, much less 
examine and correcte them, without a great deale of time 
and help, and his owne presence, which was now hard to gett 

'"Mr. Winslow deposed, the same time, before the Gov'' afore said, 
etc. that when he came into England, and the partners inquired of the success of 
the Whit Angell, which should have been laden with bass and so sent for Port, 
of Porting-gall, and their ship and goods to be sould; having informed them 
that they were like to faile in their lading of bass, that then Mr. James Sherley 
used these termes: Feck, we must make one accounte of all; and ther upon 
presed him, as agente for the partners in Neu-England, to accepte the said ship 
Whit-Angell, and her accounte, into the joynte partner-ship; which he refused, 
for many reasons; and after received instructions from New-Engl: to refuse her 
if she should be offered, which instructions he shewed them; and wheras he was 
often pressed to accept her, he ever refused her, etc." (Note by Bradford.) 


amongst them; and it was 2. or 3. years before they could bring 
them to any good pass, but never make them perfecte. I know- 
not how it came to pass, or what misterie was in it, for he tooke 
upon him to make up all accounts till this time, though Mr. 
Sherley was their agente to buy and sell their goods, and did 
more then he therin; yet he past in accoimts in a maner for 
all disbursments, both concerning goods bought, which he 
never saw, but were done when he was hear in the cuntrie or 
at sea; and all the expences of the Leyden people, done by 
others in his absence; the charges aboute the patente, etc. 
In all which he made them debtore to him above SOOli. and 
demanded paimente of it. But when things came to scaning, 
he was found above 2000K. debtore to them, (this wherin Mr. 
Hatherley and he being joyntly ingaged, which he only had, 
being included,) besids I know not how much that could never 
be cleared; and interest moneys which ate them up, which he 
never accoimted. Also they were faine to alow such large 
bills of charges as were intolerable; the charges of the patent 
came to above 500li. and yet nothing done in it but what was 
done at first without any cpnfirmation; SOU. given at a clape, 
and 50Zi. spent in a jov^^l IkL-Oiarzdljtherforeif Mr. 
Sherley said in his leter|s!^^Bneir bussines had beeiTTetter 
managed, they might ha-TObeen th e ricEest~piantatiorr5fa nv 
Enghsh at that ti^ae,^ — ¥ea, he scrued' up his poore old father 
in law's accounte to above 200K. and brought it on the generall 
accounte, and to befreind him made most of it to arise out of 
those goods taken up by him at Bristoll, at 50. per cent., be- 
cause he knew they would never let it lye on the old man, when, 
alass! he, poore man, never dreamte of any such thing, nor 
that what he had could arise nere that valew ; but thought that 
many of them had been freely bestowed on him and his chil- 
dren by Mr. Allerton. Nither in truth did they come nere that 
valew in worth, but that sume was blowne up by interest and 
high prises, which the company did for the most parte bear, 

' Screwed. 


(he deserving farr more,) being most sory that he should have 
a name to have much, when he had in effecte Htle. 

This year also Mr. Sherley sent over an accounte, which 
was in a maner but a cash accounte what Mr. AUerton had had 
of them, and disbursed, for which he referd to his accounts; 
besids an account of beaver sould, which Mr. Winslow and some 
others had carried over, and a large supply of goods which Mr. 
Winslow had sent and brought over, all which was comprised 
in that accounte, and all the disbursements aboute the Freind- 
ship, and Whit-Angell, and what concerned their accounts 
from first to last ; or any thing else he could charg the partners 
with. So they were made debtor in the foote of that accounte 
4770K. 19. 2.^ besids lOOOK. still due for the purchase yet 
unpayed; notwithstanding all the beaver, and retumes that 
both Ashley and they had made, which were not small. 

In these accounts of Mr. Sherley's some things were ob- 
scure, and some things twise charged, as a 100. of Bastable 
ruggs which came in the Freindship, and cost 75li., charged 
before by Mr. Allerton, and now by him againe, with other 
perticulers of like nature doubtfull, to be twise or thrise 
charged; as also a sume of QOOli. which Mr. Allerton deneyed, 
and they could never understand for what it was. They sent 
a note of these and such like things afterward to Mr. Sherley 
by Mr. Winslow; but (I know not how it came to pass) could 
never have them explained. 

Intojbhese deepe sumes had Mr. Al lerton rime tiiem in tow 

-years-,-^or4nHjhe-later,end of the yea r 1628. all their debts d id 

not amounte to much above 400Zi., as_wasJJi®Briioted; and 

now come .io-so~iiiarLy,iEQusfladSi___And wheras in the year 

' "So as a while before, wheras their great care was how to pay the pur- 
chase, and those other few debts which were upon them, now it was with them 
as it was some times with Saule's father, who left careing for the Asses, and 
sorrowed for his sonn. 1. Sam. 10. 2. So that which before they looked at as 
a heavie burthen, they now esteeme but a small thing and a light mater, in com- 
parison of what was now upon them. And thus the Lord oftentimes deals with 
his people to teach them, and humble them, that he may doe them good in the 
later end." (Br.) 


1629. Mr. Sherley and Mr. Hatherley being at Bristol!, and 
write a large letter from thence, in which they had given an 
account of the debts, and what sumes were then disbursed, 
Mr. Allerton never left begging and intreating of them till 
they had put it out. So they bloted out 2. lines in that leter 
in which the s\unes were contained, and write upon it so as 
not a word could be perceived; as since by them was confessed, 
and by the leters may be seene. And thus were they kept 
hoodwinckte, till now they were so deeply ingaged. And 
wheras Mr. Sherley did so ernestly press that Mr. Allerton 
might be sent over to finish the great bussines aboutethe 
patente, as may be seen in his leter write 1629. as is before 
recorded, and that they should be emest with his wife to suffer 
him to goe, etc., he hath since confessed by a letter under my 
hands, that it was Mr. AUerton's owne doings, and not his, 
and he made him write his words, and not his owne. The 
patent was but a pretence, and not the thing. Thus were 
they abused in their simpUcitie, and no beter then bought and 
sould, as it may seeme. 

And to mPTid thft rnattPT-j Mr. Allprt.nn dr>th in a SOr te 
wl i5Iynbw. desfir+.p f.TiPm ; ha ving brought them into the brier s, 
hft Ipavps tjip^ t.n n]\f. as they can. But God crost him 

nughtily,jpxJlfiJtiaS£g.hirei^iiSSlE^^X.^^ ^ 
month, he set forth againe with a lmos t wicked and . drunk en 

filling her hould, but so stufed her betweene decks, as she was 
walte,^ and could not bear sayle, and they had like to have 
been cast away at sea, and were forced to put for Millford 
Havene,^ and new-stow her, and put some of ther ordnance 
and more heavie goods in the botome; which lost them time, 
and made them come late into the countrie, lose ther season, 
and made a worse viage then the year before. But being come 
into the coimtrie, he sells trading comodities to any that will 

' Walty, crank, liable to roll over. 

' Milford Haven is a harbor in Pembrokeshire, in the southwest part of Wales. 


buy, to the great prejudice of the plantation here; but that 
which is worse, what he could not sell, he trustes; and sets 
up a company of base felows and maks them traders, to rune 
into every hole, and into the river of Kenebeck, to gleane 
away the trade from the house ther, aboute the patente and 
priviledge wherof he had dasht away so much money of theirs 
here ; and now what in him lay went aboute to take away the 
benefite therof, and to overthrow them. Yea, not only this, 
but he furnishes a company, and joyns with some consorts, 
(being now deprived of Ashley at Penobscote,) and sets up a 
trading house beyoned Penobscote, to cute of the trade from 
thence also. But the French perceiving that that would be 
greatly to their damage allso, they came in their begining before 
they were well setled, and displanted them, slue 2. of their 
men, and tooke all their goods to a good valew, the loss being 
most, if not all, Mr. AUerton's ; for though some of them should 
have been his partners, yet he trusted them for their partes; 
the rest of the men were sent into France, and this was the end 
of that projecte. The rest of those he trusted, being lose and 
drimken fellows, did for the most parte but coussen and cheats 
hi u of all thej got into their hands; that howsoever he did 
his friends some hiu-te hereby for the presente, yet he gate 
litle good, but wente by the loss by Gods just hand. After in 
time, when he came to PUmiiioth7~tKe~ch\u'cK caled'him to 
accounte for these, and other his grosse miscarrages ; ' he con- 
fessed his faulte, and promised better walking, and that he 
would wind him selfe out of these courses as soone as he 
could, etc. 

This year also Mr. Sherley would needs send them over a 
new-acountante; he had made mention of such a thing the 
year before, but they write him word, that their charge was 
great allready, and they neede not increase it, as this would; 
but if they were well delte with, and had their goods well sent 
over, they could keep their accounts hear them selves. Yet he 
now sente one, which they did not refuse, being a yonger 


brother of Mr. Winslows, whom they had been at charge to 
instructe at London before he came. He came over in the 
White Angell with Mr. AUerton, and ther begane his first im- 
ploymente ; for though Mr. Sherley had so farr befreinded Mr. 
Allerton, as to caiise^ Mr. Winslow to ship the supply sente 
to the partners here in this ship, and give him ^li. p"^ tune 
wheras others carried for 3. and he made them pay their 
fraight ready downe, before the ship wente out of the harbore, 
wheras others payed upon certificate of the goods being de- 
livered, and their fraight came to upward of 6. score pounds, 
yet they had much adoe to have their goods delivered, for 
some of them were chainged, as bread and pease; they were 
forced to take worse for better, neither could they ever gett 
all. And if Josias Winslow had not been ther, it had been 
worse ; for he had the invoyce, and order to send them to the 
trading houses. 

This year their house at Penobscott was robed by the 
French, and all their goods of any worth they carried away, 
to the value of 400. or 500K. as the cost first peny worth; in 
beaver BOOli. waight; and the rest in trading goods, as coats, 
ruggs, blankett, biskett, etc. It was in this maner. The 
m"" of the house, and parte of the company with him, were 
come with their vessell to the westward to fecth a supply of 
goods which was brought over for them. In the mean time 
comes a smale French ship into the harbore (and amongst the 
company was a false Scott) ; they pretended they were nuly 
come from the sea, and knew not wher they were, and that 
their vesell was very leake, and desired they might hale her 
a shore and stop their leaks. And many French complements 
they used, and congees they made; and in the ende, seeing but 
3. or 4. simple men, that were servants, and by this Scoth-man 
understanding that the maister and the rest of the company 
were gone from home, they fell of comending their gunes and 
muskets, that lay upon racks by the wall side, and tooke them 

' This word is obscure in the manuscript. 


downe to looke on them, asking if they were charged. And 
when they were possesst of them, one presents a peece ready 
charged against the servants, and another a pistoll; and bid 
them not sturr, but quietly deUver them their goods, and 
carries some of the men aborde, and made the other help to 
carry away the goods. And when they had tooke what they 
pleased, they sett them at Hberty, and wente their way, with 
this mocke, biding them tell their m'' when he came, that 
some of the He of Rey gentlemen had been ther.' 

This year,^ on[e] Sr Christopher Gardener, being, as him 
selfe said, descended of that house that the Bishop of Win- 
chester ' came of (who was so great a persecutor of Gods 
saincts in Queene Maries days), and being a great traveler, 
received his first honour of knighthood at Jerusalem, being 
made Knight of the Sepulcher ther. He came into these parts 
imder pretence of forsaking the world, and to hve a private 
life, in a godly course, not unwilling to put him selfe upon any 
meane implojrments, and take any paines for his living; and 
some time offered him selfe to joyne to the churchs in sundry 
places. He brought over with him a servante or 2. and a 
comly yonge woman, whom he caled his cousin, but it was 
suspected, she (after the Italian maner) was his concubine. 
Living at the Massachusets, for some miscariages which he 

' The above paragraph was written on the reverse of a page (188) of the 
original manuscript. The Isle of R6 or Rh^ is an island off Rochelle. During 
the recent war between England and France, in 1627, the Duke of Buckingham's 
expedition to Rochelle was made a failure by his repulse at the Isle of R^. 

' The following account of Sir Christopher Gardiner, with the documents 
accompanying it, extending to page 290, does not appear in the text of the original 
manuscript, — having been perhaps inadvertently omitted, — but was written on 
the reverse of certain neighboring pages (189-191). The mysterious Sir Chris- 
topher Gardiner came over as an agent of Gorges. Letters arriving from two 
wives, one of whom he had left in Paris, the other in London, and who had come 
together in the search for him and compared notes, the Massachusetts govern- 
ment, in February, 1631, ordered that he should be apprehended and sent back 
to England. After his capture and his delivery to the authorities of the Bay 
Colony, he was not tried nor punished, but went up into Maine for a year, and 
then returned to England. An article upon him will be found in the Proceedings 
of the Massachmetts Historical Society, XX. 60-88. ' Stephen Gardiner. 


should have answered, he fled away from authority, and gott 
amonge the Indeans of these parts; they sent after him, but 
could not gett him, and promissed some reward to those that 
should find him. The Indeans came to the Gov'' here, and 
tould wher he was, and asked if they might kill him; he tould 
them no, by no means, but if they could take him and bring 
him hither, they should be payed for their paines. They said 
he had a gune and a rapier, and he would kill them if they 
went aboute it ; and the Massachuset Indeans said they might 
kille him. But the Gov"" tould them no, they should not kill 
him, but watch their opportunitie, and take him. And so they 
did, for when they light of him by a river side, he got mto a 
canowe to get from them, and when they came nere him, whilst 
he presented his peece at them to keep them of, the streame 
carried the canow against a rock, and tumbled both him and 
his peece and rapier into the water; yet he got out, and having 
a htle dagger by his side, they durst not close with him, but 
getting longe pols they soone beat his dagger out of his hand, 
so he was glad to yeeld; and they brought him to the Gov''. 
But his hands and armes were swolen and very sore with the 
blowes they had given him. So he used him kindly, and sent 
him to a lodging wher his armes were bathed and anoynted, 
and he was quickly well againe, and blamed the Indeans for 
beating him so much. They said that they did but a htle whip 
him with sticks. In his lodging, those that made his bed 
fovmd a htle note booke that by accidente had shpt out of his 
pockett, or some private place, in which was a memoriall what 
day he was reconciled to the pope and church of Rome, and in 
what universitie he tooke his scapula,' and such and such de- 
grees. It being brought to the Gov"", he kept it, and sent the 
Gov'' of the Massachusets word of his taking, who sent for him. 
So the Gov"" sent him and these notes to the Gov' ther, who 
tooke it very thankfuly; but after he gott for England he 
shewed his malice, b ut God prevente d^ hi jqi.—- 

' Academic hood. 


See the Gov'' leter on the other side.* 

Sr: It hath pleased God to bring Sr Christopher Gardener safe to 
tis, with thos that came with him. And howsoever I never intended any 
hard measure to him, but to respecte and use him according to his qualitie, 
yet I let him know your care of him, and that he shall speed the better 
for your mediation. It was a spetiall providence of God to bring those 
notes of his to our hands ; I desire that you will please to speake to all that 
are privie to them, not to discovere them to any one, for that may frustrate 
the means of any further use to be made of them. The good Lord our 
God who hath allways ordered things for the good of his poore churches 
here, directe us in this arighte, and dispose it to a good issue. I am 
sorie we put you to so much trouble about this gentleman, espetialy at 
this time of great imploymente, but I know not how to avoyed it. I must 
againe intreate you, to let me know what charge and troble any of your ' 
people have been at aboute him, that it may be recompenced. So with 
the true affection of a frind, desiring all happines to yoin- self e and yours, 
and to all my worthy friends with you (whom I love in the Lord) , I comende 
you to his grace and good providence, and rest 

Your most assured friend, 

Boston, May 5. 1631. -^^^^ Winthrop. 

By occation wherof I will take a litle libertie to declaire 
what fell out by this mans means and maUce, compljdng with 
others. And though I doubt not but it will be more fully done 
by my honourd friends, whom it did more directly concerne, 
and have more perticuler knowledg of the matter, yet I will 
here give a hinte of the same, and Gods providenc ein pre- 
venting the hurts, thatjnight have come by the sa me. Th e 
intelligence I had by a letter from rnylnuch hon*^ aiid beloved 
freind, Mr. John Winthrop, Gov"^ of the Massachusets. 

Sr: Upon a petition exhibited by Sr. Christo: Gardner, Sr. Ferd: 
Gorges, Captaine Masson, etc., against you and us, the cause was heard 
before the lords of the Privie Counsell, and after reported to the king, the 
sucsess wherof maks it evident to all, that the Lord hath care of his people 
hear. The passages are admirable, and too long to write. I hartily wish 
an opportunitie to imparte them unto you, being many sheets of paper. 
But the conclusion was (against all mens expectation) an order for our 
' That is, in the original manuscript. 


incouragmente, and much blame and disgrace upon the adversaries, which 
calls for much thankfuUnes from us all, which we purpose (the Lord 
willing) to express in a day of thanks-giving to our mercifuU God, (I doubt 
not but you will consider, if it be not fitt for you to joyne in it,) who, as 
he hath humbled us by his late correction, so he hath lifted us up, by an 
abundante rejoysing, in our deliverance out of so desperate a danger; 
so as that which our enemies builte their hopes upon to ruine us by, He 
hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, as I shall further aquainte 
you, when occasion shall serve. 
The coppy of the order follows. 

At the courte at Whit-hall the 19. Jan: 1632.* 

Sigillum Lord Privie Scale Lord Cottinton 

Ea: of Dorsett Mr. Tre' 

Lo: Vi: Falkland Mr. Vic Chamb' 

Lo: Bp: of London Mr. Sec: Cooke 

Maister Sec: Windebanck 
Wheras his Ma*'® hath latly been informed of great distraction and 
much disorder in that plantation in the parts of America called New- 
England, which, if they be true, and suffered to rune on, would tende to 
the great dishonour of this kingdome, and utter ruine of that plantation. 
For prevention wherof, and for the orderly settling of goverment, accord- 
ing to the intention of those patents which have been granted by his 
Ma"^ and from his late royall father king James, it hath pleased his 
Ma''® that the lords and others of his most honourable Privie Counsell, 
should take the same into consideration. Their lordships in the first place 
thought fitt to make a comitie of this bord, to take examination of the 
matters informed; which comitties having called diverse of the principall 
adventurers in that plantation, and heard those that are complanants 
against them, most of the things informed being deneyed, and resting to 
be proved by parties that must be called from that place, which required 
a long expence of time; and at presente their lordships finding the ad- 
venturers were upon dispatch of men, victles, and marchandice for that 
place, all which would be at a stand, if the adventurers should have dis- 
couragmente, or take suspition that the state hear had no good opinion 
of that plantation; their lordships, not laying the faulte or fancies (if any 
be) of some perticuler men upon the generall govermente, or principall 
adventurers, (which in due time is further to be inquired into,) have 
thought fitt in the meane time to declare, that the appearences were so 
' I. e., 1633 of new style.- 


faire, and hopes so greate, that the countrie would prove both beneficiall 
to this kingdom, and profitable to the perticuler adventurers, as that the 
adventurers had cause to goe on cherf ally with their undertakings, and rest 
assured, if things were carried as was pretended when the patents were 
granted, and accordingly as by the patentes it is appointed, his Majestie 
would not only maintaine the liberties and privileges heretofore granted, 
but supply any thing further that might tend to the good govermente, 
prosperitie, and comforte of his people ther of that place, etc. 

William Trumball. 

Anno Dom: 1632. 

Me. Allerton, returning for England, litle regarded his 
bound of a lOOOZi. to performe covenants ; for wheras he was 
bound by the same to bring the ship to London, and to pay 30K. 
per month for her hire, he did neither of boath, for he carried 
her to Bristoll againe, from whence he intended to sett her out 
againe, and so did the 3. time, into these parts (as after will 
appear) ; and though she had been 10. months upon the former 
viage, at SOU. p^ month, yet he never payed peney for hire. 
It should seeme he knew well enough how to deale with Mr. 
Sherley. And Mr. Sherley, though he would needs tye her 
and her accoimte upon the generall, yet he would dispose of 
her as him selfe pleased; for though Mr. Winslow had in their 
names protested against the receiving her on that accounte, 
or if ever they should hope to preveile in shuch a thing, yet 
never to suffer Mr. Allerton to have any more to doe in her, 
yet he the last year let her wholy imto him, and injoyned them 
to send all their supplye in her to their prejudice, as is before 
noted. And now, though he broke his bonds, kepte no cove- 
nante, paid no hire, nor was ever hke to keep covenants, yet 
now he goes and sells him all, both ship, and all her accounts, 
from first to last (and in effecte he might as well have given 
him the same) ; and not only this, but he doth as good as pro- 
vide a sanctuary for him, for he gives him one years time to 
prepare his accounte, and then to give up the same to them 
here; and then another year for him to make paymente of 


what should be due upon that accounte. And in the mean 
time writs ernestly to them not to interupte or hinder him from 
his bussines, or stay him aboute clearing accounts, etc. ; so as 
he in the mean time gathers up all monies due for fraighte, 
and any other debtes belonging either to her, or the Frind- 
ship's accounts, as his owne perticuler; and after, sells ship, 
and ordnans, fish, and what he had raised, in Spaine, according 
to the first designe, in effecte; and who had, or what became 
of the money, he best knows. In the mean time their hands 
were bound, and could doe nothing but looke on, till he had 
made all away into other mens hands (save a few catle and a 
litle land and some small maters he had here at PHmoth), and 
so in the end removed, as he had allready his person, so all his 
from hence. This will better appere by Mr. Sherley's leter. 

Sr: These few lines are further to give you to understand, that seeing 
you and we, that never differed yet but aboute the White-Angell, which 
somewhat troubleth us, as I perceive it doth you. And now Mr. Allerton 
beeing here, we have had some eonfferanee with him about her, and find 
him very willing to give you and us all contente that possiblie he can, 
though he burthen him selfe. He is contente to take the White-Angell 
wholy on him selfe, notwithstanding he mett with pirates nere the coast 
of lerland, which tooke away his best sayles and other provissions from 
her; so as verily if we should now sell her, she would yeeld but a small 
price, besids her ordnance. And to set her forth againe with fresh money 
we would not, she being now at BristoU. Wherfore we thought it best, 
both for you and us, Mr. Allerton being willing to take her, to accepte 
of his bond of tow thousand pounds, to give you a true and perfecte ac- 
counte, and take the whole charge of the Whit-Angell wholy to him selfe, 
from the first to the last. The accounte he is to make and perfecte within 
12. months from the date of this letter, and then to pay you at 6. and 6. 
months after, what soever shall be due unto you and us upon the foote of 
that accounte. And verily, notwithstanding all the disasters he hath had, 
I am perswaded he hath enough to pay all men here and ther. Only 
they must have patience till he can gather in what is due to him ther. I 
doe not write this slightly, but upon some ground of what I have seen (and 
perhaps you know not of) under the hands and seals of some, etc. I rest 

Yoiu- assured friend, 

Des: 6. 1632. James Sheelet. 


But heres not a word of the breach of former bonds and 
covenants, or paimente of the ships hire; this is passt by as 
if no such thing had been ; besids what bonds or obUgments 
so ever they had of him, ther never came any into the hands 
or sight of the partners here. And for this that Mr. Sherley 
seems to intimate (as a secrete) of his abiUtie, under the hands 
and seals of some, it was but a trick, having gathered up an 
accounte of what was owing from such base fellows as he had 
made traders for him, and other debts; and then got Mr. 
Mahue, and some others, to affirme under their hand and seale, 
that they had seen shuch accounts that were due to him. 

Mr. Hatherley came over againe this year, but upon his 
owne occasions, and begane to make preparation to plant and 
dwell in the countrie. He with his former dealings had 
woimd in what money he had in the patnership into his owne 
hands, and so gave off all partnership (excepte in name), as 
was found in the issue of things ; neither did he medle, or take 
any care aboute the same; only he was troubled about his 
ingagmente aboute the Friendship, as will after appeare. And 
now partly aboute that accounte, in some reconings betweene 
Mr. AUerton and him, and some debts that Mr. Allerton other- 
wise owed him upon dealing between them in perticuler, he 
drue up an accoimte of above 2000K., and would faine have 
ingaged the partners here with it, because Mr. Allerton had 
been their agent. But they tould him they had been fool'd 
longe enough with such things, and shewed him that it no way 
belonged to them; but tould him he must looke to make good 
his ingagment for the Freindship, which caused some trouble 
betweene Mr. Allerton and him. 

Mr. WilUam Peirce did the like, Mr. Allerton being wound 
into his debte also upon particuler dealings; as if they had 
been bound to make good all mens debts. But they easily 
shooke off these things. But Mr. Allerton herby rane into 
much trouble and vexation, as well as he had troubled others, 
for Mr. Denison sued him for the money he had disbursed for 


the 6. part of the WMt-Angell, and recovered the si 

Thaugh_ the partners were thus plunged into g reat in gar- 
ments, aiid^presfidjsadtkjm just debts, yet the Lord prospered 
theLLksdin£i_that they made yearly large retumes, SMTiad' 
soone wound them selves out of all, if yet they had otherwise 
been well delt with all ; as will more appear here after. Also 
the-pgopl£_ofjth e plantation beg ane_to_grow in their owtward 
estats, by rea[son] of the flowing of many people into the 
cuntrie, espetially into the Bay of the Massachusets ; by which 
means come and catle rose to a great prise, by which many 
were much inriched, and commodities grue plentifuU; and 
yet in other regards this benefite turned to their hurte, and 
this accession of strength to their weaknes. For now as their 
stocks increased, and the increse vendible, ther was no longer 
any holding them togeather, but now they must of necessitie 
goe to their great lots;' they could not other wise keep their 
katle; and having oxen growne, they must have land for 
plowing and tillage. And no man now thought he could live, 
except he had catle and a great deale of groimd to keep them; 
all striving to increase their stocks. By which means they 
were scatered all over the bay, quickly, and the towne, in 
which they lived compactly till now, was left very thine, and 
in a short time allmost desolate. AB.dif this had been all, it 
had been les s, thoug t xx-jattebf-bti Lthe chiircK must^-^ojje 
de^de3,,aBd,th.osejthatiiad lived so longjiogeailierin Christian 
and._eomfortable fellowship must now part and suffer many 
divissions. jFirstT those that Uvgd'On their lots oiTtEe' other 
side of the bay (called Duxberie) they could not long bring 
their wives and children to the publick worship and church 
meetings here, but with such burthen, as, growing to some 
competente number, they sued to be dismissed and become a 

' The landed property assigned to each family in Plymouth consisted of a 
small home lot in the village, sufficient for house and garden, and of larger lots 
at a greater distance. 


body of them selves; and so they were dismiste (about this 
time), though very imwiUingly, But to touch this sadd 
matter, and handle things together that fell out after ward. 
To prevent any further scatering from this place, and weakning 
of the same, it was thought best to give out some good farms 
to spetiall persons, that would promise to live at Phmoth, and 
lickly to be helpfull to the church or comonewelth, and so tye 
the lands to Plimoth as farmes for the same; and ther they 
might keepe their catle and tillage by some servants, and re- 
taine their dwellings here. And so some spetiall lands were 
granted at a place generall, called Greens Harbor,* wher no 
allotments had been in the former divission, a plase very weell 
meadowed, and fitt to keep and rear catle, good store. But 
alass! this remedy proved worse then the disease; for within 
a few years those that had thus gott footing ther rente them 
selves away, partly by force, and partly wearing the rest with 
importunitie and-^eas.^necessitie, so as they must either suf- 
fer them to goe, or live in continuall opposition and contention. 
And others still, as they conceived them selves straitened, or to 
want accommodation, break awa y-iiQder.o ne pretence or other, 
thinking their jowne conceived necessities and the example of 
others, a warrente sufficente for them. /And this, I fear, will be 
the ruine of New-England, at least oi the churches of God 
ther, and will provock the Lords displeasure against thern^ 

This year, Mr. WilUam Perce came into the cimtry, and 
brought goods and passengers, in a ship caled the Lyon, which 
belonged cheefly to Mr. Sherley, and the rest of the London 
partners, but these hear had nothing to doe with her. In this 
ship (besides beaver which they had sent home before) they 
sent upwards of SOOli. in her, and some otter skines ; and also 
the coppies of Mr. Allertons accounts, desiring that they would 
also peruse and examene them, and rectifie shuch things as 
they should find amise in them; and rather because they were 

' Green's Harbor was incorporated March 2, 1640, under the name of Rex- 
ham, but the name was later changed to Marshfield. 


better acquaynted with the goods bought ther, and the dis- 
bursments made, then they could bee here ; yea, a great part 
were done by them selves, though Mr. AUerton brougt in the 
accounte, and sundry things seemed to them obscure and had 
need of clearing. Also they sente a booke of exceptions against 
his accounts, in such things as they could manifest, and doubted 
not but they might adde more therimto. And also shewed 
them how much Mr. AUerton was debtor to the accounte; and 
desired, seeing they had now put the ship White- Angell, and all, 
wholy into his power, and tyed their hands here, that they 
could not call him to accounte for any thinge, till the time was 
expired which they had given him, and by that time other 
men would get their debts of him, (as sume had done already 
by suing him,) and he would make all away here quickly out 
of their reach; and therfore prayed them to looke to things, 
and gett paymente of him ther, as it was all the reason they 
should, seeing they keept all the bonds and covenants they 
made with him in their owne hands ; and here they could doe 
nothing by the course they had taken, nor had any thing to 
show if they should goe aboute it. But it pleased God, this 
ship, being first to goe to Verginia before she wente home 
was cast away on that coast, not farr from Virginia, and their 
beaver was all lost (which was the first loss they sustained in 
that kind) ; but Mr. Peirce and the men saved their lives, and 
also their leters, and gott into Virginia, and so safly home. 
The accounts were now sent from hence againe to them. And 
thus much of the passages of this year. 

A fart of Mr. Peirce his leter from Virginia} 

It was dated in Des: 25. 1632. and came to their hand the 
7. of Aprill, before they heard any thing from England. 

Dear freinds, etc. The bruit of this fatall stroke that the Lord hath 
brought both on me and you all will come to your ears before this commeth 
to your hands, (it is like,) and therfore I shall not need to inlarg in per- 

'This letter was written on the reverse of a neighboring folio (192) of the 
original manuscript, and may properly be inserted here. 


ticulers, etc. My whole estate (for the most parte) is taken away; and 
so yours, in a great measure, by this and your former losses [he means by 
the French and Mr. AUerton]. It is time to looke aboute us, before the 
wrath of the Lord breake forth to utter destruction. The good Lord give 
us all grace to search our harts and trie our ways, and turne unto the 
Lord, and humble our selves under his mightie hand, and seeke atone- 
mente, etc. Dear freinds, you may know that all your beaver, and the 
books of your accounts, are swallowed up in the sea; your letters remaine 
with me, and shall be delivered, if God bring me home. But what should 
I more say? Have. we lost our outward estates? yet a hapy loss if our 
soules may gaine; ther is yet more in the Lord Jehova than ever we 
had yet in the world. Oh that our foolish harts could yet be wained 
from the things here below, which are vanity and vexation of spirite; and 
yet we fooles catch after shadows, that flye away, and are gone in a mo- 
mente, etc. Thus with my continuall remembrance of you in my poore 
desires to the throne of grace, beseeching God to renew his love and 
favoure towards you all, in and through the Lord Jesus Christ, both 
in spirituall and temporall good things, as may be most to the glory 
and praise of his name, and your everlasting good. So I rest. 

Your afflicted brother in Christ, 
Virginia, Des: 25. 1632. William Peiece. 

Anno Dom: 1633. 

This year Mr. Ed: Winslow was chosen Governor. 

By the first retiirne this year, they had leters from Mr. 
Sherley of Mr. Allertons further ill success, and the loss by 
Mr. Peirce, with many sadd complaints; but litle hope of any 
thinge to be gott of Mr. Allerton, or how their accoimts might 
be either eased, or any way rectified by them ther; but now 
saw plainly that the burthen of all would be cast on their 
backs. The spetiall passages of his letters I shall here inserte, 
as shall be pertinente to these things ; for though I am weary of 
this tedious and uncomfortable subjecte^^ aet. for the clearing 
olthfijruth. I am compelled_to_bejnQre-I arg in the op errmgrtf 
these matters, upon which-saiouch. troubkJialJa insaedT-aitd-ts©-- 
many hard censin-es have passed on both sids. I would not 
be partiall to either, but deliver the -fcmth -in-aill7-a^i^.as-nere 
as I can, in their owne words and passages, and so leave it to 


the impartiall judgment of any that shall come to read, or veiw 
these things. His leters are as folow, dated June 24. 1633. 

Loving friends, my last^ was sente in the Mary and John, by Mr. 
William Collier/ etc. I then certified you of the great, and uncomfortable, 
and unseasonable loss you and we had, in the loss of Mr. Peirce his ship, 
the Lyon; but the Lords holy name be blessed, who gives and taks as it 
pleaseth him; his will be done. Amen. I then related unto you that 
f earfull accidente, or rather judgmente, the Lord pleased to lay on London 
Bridge, by fire,^ and therin gave you a touch of my great loss; the Lord, 
I hope, will give me patience to bear it, and faith to trust in him, and not 
in these slipery and uncertaine things of this world. 

I hope Mr. AUerton is nere upon sayle with you by this; but he had 
many disasters here before he could gett away; yet the last was a heavie 
one; his ship, going out of the harbor at Bristoll, by stormie weather was 
so farr driven on the shore, as it cost him above lOOZz. before shee could 
be gott off againe. Verily his case was so lamentable as I could not but 
afford him some help therin (and so did some were strangers to him); 
besids, your goods were in her, and if he had not been supported, he must 
have broke off his viage, and so loss could not have been avoyded on all 
sides. When he first bought her, I thinke he had made a saving match, 
if he had then sunck her, and never set her forth. I hope he sees the 
Lords hand against him, and will leave of these viages. I thinke we did 
well in parting with her; she would have been but a clogge to the accounte 
from time to time, and now though we shall not gett much by way of 
satisfaction, yet we shall lose no more. And now, as before I have writte, 
I pray you finish all the accounts and reconings with him there; for here 
he hath nothing, but many deb tes that he stands ingaged to many men for. 
Besids, here is not a man that will spend a day, or scarce an hower, aboute 
the accounts but my seLfe, and that bussines will require more time and 
help then I can afford. I shall not need to say any more; I hope you will 
doe that which shall be best and just, to which adde mercie, and consider 
his intente, though he failed in many perticulers, which novi^ cannot be 
helped, etc. 

To morrow, or next day at furthest, we are to pay 300Zi. and Mr. 
Beachamp is out of the towne, yet the bussines I must doe. Oh the greefe 
and trouble that man, Mr. AUerton, hath brought upon you and us! I 

•"March 22." (Br.) 

^ William Collier was one of the London adventurers. 

' In 1632 London Bridge, on which at that time many houses and shops 
were situated, was swept from end to end by fire. 


cannot forgett it, and to thinke on it draws many sigh from my harte, and 
teares from my eyes. And now the Lord hath visited me with an other 
great loss, yet I can undergoe it with more patience. But this I have 
f oUishly pulled upon my self e, etc. [And in another, he hath this passage :] 
By Mr. Allertons faire propositions and large promises, I have over rune 
my selfe; verily, at this time greefe hinders me to write, and tears will not 
suffer me to see; wherfore, as you love those that ever loved you, and that 
plantation, thinke upon us. Oh what shall I say of that man, who hath 
abused your trust and wronged our loves! but now to complaine is too 
late, nither can I complaine of your backwardnes, for I am perswaded it 
lys as heavie on your harts, as it doth on our purses or credites. And 
had the Lord sent Mr. Peirce safe home, we had eased both you and us of 
some of those debts ; the Lord I hope will give us patience to bear these 
crosses; and that great God, whose care and providence is every where, 
and spetially over all those that desire truly to fear and serve him, direct, 
guid, prosper, and blesse you so, as that you may be able (as I perswade 
my selfe you are willing) to discharge and take off this great and heavie 
burthen which now lyes upon me for your saks ; and I hope in the ende 
for the good of you, and many thousands more; for had not you and we 
jo3'ned and continued togeather, New-England might yet have been scarce 
knowne, I am perswaded, not so replenished and inhabited with honest 
English people, as it now is. The Lord increase and blesse them, etc. 
So, with my continuall praiers for you all, I rest 

Your assured loving friend, 
June 24. 1633. J^^^^ Sheelet. 

By this it apperes when Mr. Sherly sould him the ship 
and all her accounts, it was more for Mr. Allertons advantage 
then theirs; and if they could get any there, well and good, 
for they were like to have nothing here. And what cotirse was 
held to hinder them there, hath allready beene manifested. 
And though Mr. Sherley became more smsible of his owne 
condition, by these losses, and therby more sadly and plainly to 
complaine of Mr. Allerton, yet no course was taken to help them 
here, but all left imto them selves ; not so much as to examene 
and rectifie the accounts, by which (it is Uke) some hundereds 
of pounds might have been taken off. But very probable it is, 
the more they saw was taken off, the less might come unto them 
selves. But I leave these maters, and come to other things. 


Mr. Roger Williams * (a man godly and zealous, having 
many precious parts, but very unsettled in judgmente) came 
over first to the Massachusets, but upon some discontente left 
that place, and came hither, (wher he was friendly entertained, 
according to their poore abilitie,) and exercised his gifts 
amongst them, and after some time was admitted a member 
of the church; and his teaching well approoved, for the benefite 
wherof I still blese God, and am thankfull to him, even for his 
sharpest admonitions and reproufs, so farr as they agreed with 
truth. He this year begane to fall into some Strang oppinions, 
and from opinion to practise ; which caused some controversie 
betweene the church and him, and in the end some discontente 
on his parte, by occasion wherof he left them some thing 
abruptly. Yet after wards sued for his dismission to the 
church of Salem, which was granted, with some caution to 
them concerning him, and what care they ought to have of 
him. But he soone fell into more things ther, both to their 
and the goverments troble and disturbance. I shall not need 
to name perticulers, they are too_ well_knowei^''^^^o all, 
though for a time the church here wente under some hard 
censure by his occasion, from some that afterwards smarted 
them selves. But he is to be pitied, and prayed for, and so 
I shall leave the matter, and desire the Lord to shew him his 
errors, and reduse him into the way of truth, and give him a 
setled judgment and constancie in the same; for I hope he 
belongs to the Lord, and that he will shew him mercie. 

Having had formerly converse and famharity with the 
Dutch, (as is before remembred,) they, seeing them seated, 
here in a barren quarter, tould them of a river called by them 
the Fresh River, but now is known by the name of Conighte- 
cute-River, which they often commended unto them for a fine 

' Roger Williams is so familiar to readers that it is needless to write a sketch 
of him here. See the work of Rev. Dr. Henry Martyn Dexter, entitled As to Roger 
Waiiams and his Banishment (Boston, 1876). He was an assistant of Rev. Ralf 
Smith in Plymouth from 1631 to 1633, when, owing to the liberality of the Pilgrims 
in their treatment of members of the established Church, he retired to Salem. 


place both for plantation and trade, and wished them to make 
use of it. But their hands being full otherwise, they let it 
pass. But afterwards ther coming a company of banishte 
Indeans into these parts, that were drivene out from thence 
by the potencie of the Pequents, which usurped upon them, 
and drive them from thence, they often solhsited them to goe 
thither, and they should have much trad, espetially if they 
would keep a house ther. And having now good store of comod- 
ities, and allso need to looke out wher they could advantage 
them selves to help them out of their great ingagments, they 
now begane to send that way to discover the same, and trade 
with the natives. They found it to be a fine place, but had no 
great store of trade; but the Indeans excused the same in 
regard of the season, and the fear the Indans were in of their 
enemise. So they tried diverce times, not with out profite, 
but saw the most certainty would be by keeping a house ther, 
to receive the trad when it came down out of the inland. 
These Indeans, not seeing them very forward to build ther, 
solisited them of the Massachusets in hke sorte (for their end 
was to be restored to their coimtrie againe) ; but they in the 
Bay being but latly come, were not fitte for the same; but some 
of their cheefe made a motion to joyne with the partners here, 
to trad joyntly with them in that river, the which they were 
willing to imbrace, and so they should have builte, and put in 
equall stock togeather. A time of meeting was appointed at 
the Massachusets, and some of the cheefe here was appointed 
to treat with them, and went accordingly; but they cast many 
fears of deanger and loss and the like, which was perceived 
to be the maine obstacles, though they alledged they were not 
provided of trading goods. But those hear offered at presente 
to put in sufficiente for both, provided they woiild become 
ingaged for the halfe, and prepare against the nexte year. 
They conffessed more could not be offered, but thanked them, 
and tould them they had no mind to it. They then answered, 
they hoped it would be no offence unto them, if them sellves 


wente on without them, if they saw it meete. They said ther 
was no reason they should ; and thus this treaty broake of, and 
those here tooke conveniente time to make a begining ther; 
and were the first Enghsh that both discovered that place, and 
built in the same, though they were litle better then thrust out afterward as may appeare. 

But the Dutch begane now to repente, and hearing of their 
purpose and preparation, indevoured to prevente them, and 
gott in a litle before them, and made a slight forte, and planted 
2. peeces of ordnance, thretening to stopp their passage.' 
But they having made a smale frame of a house ready, and 
haveing a great new-barke, they stowed their frame in her 
hold, and bords to cover and finishe it, having nayles and all 
other provisions fitting for their use. This they did the rather 
that they might have a presente defence against the Indeans, 
who weare much offended that they brought home and restored 
the right Sachem of the place (called Natawanute) ; so as they 
were to incoimter with a duble danger in this attempte, both 
the Dutch and the Indeans. When they came up the river, 
the Dutch demanded what they intended, and whither they 
would goe; they answered, up the river to trade (now their 
order was to goe and seat above them). They bid them strike, 
and stay, or els they would shoote them; and stood by ther 
ordnance ready fitted. They answered they had commission 
from the Gov"^ of Plimoth to goe up the river to such a place, 
and if they did shoote, they must obey their order and proceede ; 
they would not molest them, but would goe one.^ So they 
passed along, and though the Dutch threatened them hard, yet 
they shoot not. Comming to their place, they clapt up their 

'In June, 1633, the Dutch bought from the Pequots a tract of land on the 
"Fresh River" (Connecticut), where Hartford now stands. Here they built 
Fort Good Hope. The name Dutch Point still survives, matched by Plymouth 
Meadow in Windsor. 

^ "On." The commander of the expedition was Lieut. William Holmes of 
Plymouth, who next to Standish was the military man of the colony. The place 
was the site of the present town of Windsor, Connecticut, the time September, 


house quickly, and landed their provissions, and left the com- 
panie appoynted, and sent the barke home; and afterwards 
palisadoed their house aboute, and fortified them selves better. 
The Dutch sent word home to the Monhatas' what was done; 
and in proces of time, they sent a band of aboute 70. men, in 
warrlike maner, with collours displayed, to assaulte them; 
but seeing them strengtened, and that it would cost blood, they 
came to parley, and returned in peace. And this was their 
enterance ther, who deserved to have held it, and not by 
freinds to have been thrust out, as in a sorte they were, as will 
after appere. They did the Dutch no wrong, for they took not 
a foote of any land they bought, but went to the place above 
them, and bought that tracte of land which belonged to these 
Indeans which they carried with them, and their friends, with 
whom the Dutch had nothing to doe. But of these matters 

It pleased the Lor^i^ao visite them this year with an in- 
fectiousTevSTjJe^of which many fell very sicke, and upward of 
20. persons dyed, men and women, besids children, and sundry 
of them of their anciente friends which had lived in Holand; 
as Thomas Blossome, Richard Masterson, with sundry others, 
and in the end (after he had much helped others) Samuell 
Fuller, who was their surgeon and phisition, and had been a 
great help and comforte unto them; as in his facultie, so other- 
wise, being a deacon of the church, a man godly, and forward 
to doe good, being much missed after his death; and he and 
the rest of their brethren much lamented by them, and caused 
much sadnes and mourning amongst them; which caused them 
to humble them selves, and seeke the Lord; and towards 
winter it pleased the Lord the sicknes ceased. This disease 
allso swept away many of the Indeans from all the places near 
adjoyning; and the spring before, espetially all the month of 
May, ther was such a quantitie of a great sorte of flies, Uke 
(for bignes) to wasps, or bumble-bees, which came out of holes 

' Manhattan. 


in the ground, and replenished all the woods, and eate the 
green-things, and made such a constante yelling noyes, as 
made all the woods ring of them, and ready to deafe the hearers/ 
They have not by the EngUsh been heard or seen before or 
since. But the Indeans tould them that sicknes would foUowf 
and so it did in June, July, August, and the cheefe heat o, 

sommer . ^ 

-Jt4Sleaaed_±he-Lerd^o mable them this year to send home 
a great quantity of beaver, besids paing all their charges, and 
debts at home, which good retume did much incourage their 
freinds ui England. They sent in beaver SZmii. waight, and 
much of it coat beaver, which yeeled 20s. p'' poimd, and some 
of it above; and of otter-skines ' 346. sould also at a good 
prise. And thus much of the affairs of this year. 

Anno Dom: 1634. 

This year Mr. Thomas Prence was chosen Gov''.' 
Mr. Sherleys letters were very breefe in answer of theirs 
this year. I will forbear to coppy any part therof, only name 
a head or 2. therin. First, he desirs they will take nothing ill 
in what he formerly write, professing his good affection towards 
them as before, etc. 2'^- For Mr. AUertons accounts, he is 
perswaded they must suffer, and that in no small simimes; 
and that they have caiise enough to complaine, but it was now 
too late. And that he had failed them ther, those here, and him 

'These were the seventeen-year locusts. 
' "The skin was sold at 14*. and 15. the pound." (Br.) 
' Thomas Prence came over in the Fortune in 1621, about twenty-one years 
of age. He married in 1624 Patience, daughter of William Brewster, who died 
in 1634. In 1635 he married Mary, daughter of William Collier, and in 1662 
Mercy, widow of Samuel Freeman and daughter of Constant Southworth. He 
died in 1673. He was governor of Plymouth Colony in 1634 and 1638 and, 
after the death of William Bradford, from 1657 until his death in 1673. While 
governor in 1638 he lived on the comer of Spring and High Streets, occupying 
also an outlying tract of farm land of ten acres including a valley which has 
long been known as Prence's Bottom. In 1640 he removed to Eastham where 
he lived for some years. On his return he built and occupied a house on a tract 
of land at Seaside which he had bought in 1632. He always wrote his name 


selfe in his owne aimes. And that now, having thus left them 
here, he feared God had or would leave him, and it would not 
be Strang, but a wonder if he fell not into worse things, etc. 
3^y. He blesseth God and is thankfuU to them for the good 
retume made this year. This is the effecte of his letters, other 
things being of more private nature. 

I am now to enter upon one of the sadest things that befell 
them since they came; but before I begine, it will be needfull 
to premise such parte of their patente as gives them right and 
priviledge at Kenebeck; as foUoweth:' 

The said Counsell hath further given, granted, barganed, sold, in- 
feoffed, alloted, assigned, and sett over, and by these presents doe clearly 
and absolutly give, grante, ba,rgane, sell, alliene, enffeofe, allote, assigne, 
and confirme unto the said William Bradford, his heires, associates, and 
assignes. All that tracte of land or part of New-England in America 
afforesaid, which lyeth within or betweene, and extendeth it selfe from the 
utmost limits of Cobiseconte,^ which adjoyneth to the river of Kenebeck, 
towards the westerne ocean, and a place called the falls of Nequamkick' 
in America, aforsaid; and the space of 15. English myles on each side 
of the said river, commonly called Kenebeck River, and all the said river 
called Kenebeck that lyeth within the said limits and bounds, eastward, 
westward, northward, and southward, last above mentioned; and all 
lands, grounds, soyles, rivers, waters, fishing, etc. And by vertue of the 
authority to us derived by his said late Ma*"^ Lres patents, to take, 
apprehend, seise, and make prise of all such persons, their ships and 
goods, as shall attempte to inhabite or trade with the savage people of 
that countrie within the severall precincts and limits of his and their 
severall plantations, etc. 

Now it SO fell out, that one Hocking, belonging to the 
plantation of Pascataway, wente with a barke and commodities 
to trade in that river, and would needs press into their Hmites; 
and not only so, but would needs goe up the river above their 
house, (towards the falls of the river,) and intercept the trade 
that should come to them. He that was cheefe of the place 

' An extract from the patent from the Council for New England, January 
13, 1629/30. See above, pp. 248, 249. 

' Cobisecontee was where Gardiner, Maine, now stands. 

^ The falls or rapids of Nequamkick lay near the present Winslow, Maine. 


forbad them, and prayed him that he would not offer them that 
injm-ie, nor goe aboute to infring their hberties, which had cost 
them so dear. But he answered he would goe up and trade 
ther in dispite of them, and lye ther as longe as he pleased. 
The other tould him he must then be forced to remove him 
from thence, or make seasure of him if he could. He bid him 
doe his worste, and so wente up, and anchored ther. The 
other tooke a boat and some men and went up to him, when 
he saw his time, and againe entreated him to departe by what 
perswasion he could. But all in vaine: he could gett nothing 
of him but ill words. So he considred that now was the season 
for trade to come downe, and if he should suffer him to lye, 
and take it from them, all ther former charge would be lost, 
and they had better throw up all. So, consulting with his men, 
(who were wiUing thertoe,) he resolved to put him from his 
anchores, and let him drive downe the river with the streame; 
but commanded the men that none should shoote a shote upon 
any occasion, except he commanded them. He spoake to him 
againe, but all in vaine; then he sente a cuple ia a canow to 
cutt his cable, the which one of them performes ; but Hocking 
taks up a pece which he had layed ready, and as the barke 
shered by the canow, he shote him close under her side, in the 
head, (as I take it,) so he fell downe dead instantly. One of 
his fellows (that loved him well) could not hold, but with a 
muskett shot Hocking, who fell downe dead and never speake 
word. This was the truth of the thing. The rest of the men 
carried home the vessell and the sad tidings of these things. 
Now the Lord Saye and the Lord Brooks,^ with some 
other great persons, had a hand in this plantation; they 
write home to them, as much as they could to exasperate 

' Viscount Saye and Sele and another Puritan lord, Lord Brooke, a cousin 
of Sir Fulke Greville, the first Lord Brooke, mentioned in a former foot-note, 
are best known in American history as patentees of the Connecticut valley. In 
1633 they bought out certain Bristol merchants who were associated with Edward 
Hilton in the patent for Cocheco (Dover, New Hampshire), and the incident 
which follows is due to their relation to that patent. 


them in the matter, leving out all the circomstances, as if 
he had been kild without any offenc of his parte, concel- 
ing that he had kild another first, and the just occasion 
that he had given in offering such wrong; at which their 
LordsP^ were much offended, till they were truly informed 
of the mater. 

The bruite of this was quickly carried all aboute, (and that 
in the worst maner,) and came into the Bay to their neighboiu^ 
their. Their owne barke comming home, and bringing a true 
relation of the matter, sundry were sadly affected with the 
thing, as they had cause. It was not long before they had 
occasion to send their vessell into the Bay of the Massachusetts; 
but they were so prepossest with this matter, and affected with 
the same, as they commited Mr. Alden to prison, who was in 
the bark, and had been at Kenebeck, but was no actore in the 
bussines, but wente to carie them supply. They dismist the 
barke aboute her bussines, but kept him for some time. This 
was thought Strang here, and they sente Capten Standish to 
give them true information, (togeather with their letters,) and 
the best satisfaction they could, and to prociue Mr. Alden's 
release. I shall recite a letter or 2. which will show the pas- 
sages of these things, as foUoeth. 

Good Sr: 

I have received your ires by Captaine Standish, and am unfainedly 
glad of Gods mercie towards you in the recovery of your health, or some 
way thertoo. For the bussines you write of, I thought meete to answer a 
word or 2. to your self e, leaving the answer of your Gov"^' Vre to our courte, 
to whom the same, together with my selfe is directed. 1 conceive (till I 
hear new matter to the contrary) that your patente may warrente your 
resistance of any English from trading at Kenebeck, and that blood of 
Hocking, and the partie he slue, will be required at his hands. Yet doe 
I with your selfe and others sorrow for their deaths. I thinke likewise 
that your generall 4'res will satisfie our courte, and make them cease 
from any further inter medling in the mater. I have upon the same fee 
sett Mr. Alden at liberty, and his sureties, and yet, least I should seeme 
to neglecte the opinion of our court and the frequente speeches of others 
with us, I have bound Captaine Standish to appeare the 3. of June at our 


nexte courte, to make affidavid for the coppie of the patente, and to man- 
ifest the circumstances of Hockins provocations; both which will tend to 
the clearing of your innocencie. If any unkindnes hath ben taken from 
what we have done, let it be further and better considred of, I pray you; 
and I hope the more you thinke of it, the lesse blame you will impute to us. 
At least you ought to be just in differencing them, whose opinions concurr 
with your owne, from others who were opposites; and yet I may truly 
say, I have spoken with no man in the bussines who taxed you most, but 
they are such as have many wayes heretofore declared ther good affections 
towards your plantation. I further referr my selfe to the reporte of 
Captaine Standish and Mr. AUden; leaving you for this presente to Gods 
blessing, wishing unto you perf ecte recovery of health, and the long con- 
tinuance of it. I desire to be lovingly remembred to Mr. Prence, your 
Gov', Mr. Winslow, Mr. Brewster, whom I would see if I knew how. 
The Lord keepe you all. Amen. 

Your very loving freind in our Lord Jesus, 

Tho: Dudley. 
New-towne,* the 22. of May, 1634. 

Another of his about these things as followeth. 

Sr: I am right sorrie for the news that Captaine Standish and other 
of your neigbours and my beloved freinds will bring now to Plimoth, 
wherin I suffer with you, by reason of my opinion^ which differeth from 
others, who are godly and wise, amongst us here, the reverence of whose 
judgments causeth me to suspecte myne owne ignorance; yet must I 
remaine in it untill I be convinced therof . I thought not to have shewed 
your letter written to me, but to have done my best to have reconciled 
differences in the best season and maner I could; but Captaine Standish 
reqmring an answer therof publickly in the courte, I was forced to produce 
it, and that made the breach soe wide as he can tell you. I propounded 
to the courte, to answer Mr. Prences ire, your Gov'', but our courte said 
it required no answer, it selfe being an answer to a former fee of ours. I 
pray you certifie Mr. Prence so much, and others whom it concerneth, that 
no neglecte or ill manners be imputed to me theraboute. The late ft-es 
I received from England wrought in me divere^ fears' of some trials 

'7. e., Cambridge, Massachusetts. The name was changed from Newtown 
to Cambridge in 1638, because of the establishment of Harvard College. 

" Divers. 

' "Ther was cause enough of these feares, which arise by the underworking 
of some enemies to the churches here, by which this Commission following was 
procured from his Ma*'«." (Br.) See this paper in the appendix, no. ii. 


which are shortly like to fall upon us; and this unhappie contention be- 
tweene you and us, and between you and Pascattaway, will hasten them, 
if God with an extraordinarie hand doe not help us. To reconcile this 
for the presente will be very difficulte, but time cooleth distempers, and a 
comone danger to us boath approaching, will n>.cessitate our uniting 
againe. I pray you therfore, Sr. set your wisdom and patience a worke, 
and exhorte others to the same, that things may not proceede from bad to 
worse, so making our contentions like the barrs of a pallace, but that a 
way of peace may be kepte open, wherat the God of peace may have 
enterance in his owne time. If you suffer wrong, it shall be your honor 
to bear it patiently; but I goe to farr in needles putting you in mind of 
these things. God hath done great things for you, and I desire his bless- 
ings may be multiplied upon you more and more. I will commite no more 
to writing, but comending my selfe to your prayers, doe rest. 
Your truly loving freind in our Lord Jesus, 

Tho: Dudley. 
June 4. 1634. 

By these things it appars what troubls rise herupon, and 
how hard they were to be reconciled; for though they hear 
were hartily sorrie for what was fallen out, yet they conceived 
they were unjustly injuried, and provoked to what was done; 
and that their neigboiirs (haveing no jurisdiction over them) 
did more then was mete, thus to imprison one of theirs, and 
bind them to their courte. But yet being assured of their 
Christian love, and perswaded what was done was out of godly 
zeale, that religion might not suffer, nor sinne any way covered 
or borne with, espetially the guilte of blood, of which all should 
be very consciencious in any whom soever, they did indeavore 
to appease and satisfie them the best they could; first, by 
informing them the truth in all circomstances aboute the mat- 
ter; 2^y, in being willing to referr the case to any indifferante 
and equall hearing and judgmente of the thing hear, and to 
answere it els wher when they shoiold be duly called therunto; 
and further they craved Mr. Winthrops, and other of the reve<^ 
magistrats ther, their advice and direction herein. This did 
mollifie their minds, and bring things to a good and comfortable 
issue in the end. 


For they had this advice given them by Mr. Winthrop, and 
others concxirring with him, that from their courte, they 
should write to the neigboure plantations, and espetially that 
of the lords, at Pascataway/ and theirs of the Massachusets, 
to appointe^ some ta give them meeting at some fitt place, to 
consulte and determine in this matter, so as the parties meeting 
might have full power to order and bind, etc. And that noth- 
ing be done to the infringing or prejudice of the hberties of any 
place. And for the clearing of conscience, the law of God is 
that the preist Ups must be consulted with, and therfore it was 
desu-ed that the ministers of every plantation might be presente 
to give their advice in pointe of conscience. Though this 
course seemed dangerous to some, yet they were so well as- 
sured of the justice of their cause, and the equitie of their 
freinds, as they put them selves upon it, and appointed a time, 
of which they gave notice to the severaU places a month before 
hand; viz. Massachusets^ Salem, and Pascataway, or any other 
that they would give notice too, and disired them to produce 
any evidence they could in the case. The place for meeting 
was at Boston. But when the day and time came, none apered, 
but some of the magistrats and ministers of the Massachusets, 
and their owne. Seeing none of Passcataway of other places 
came, (haveing been thus desired, and conveniente time given 
them for that end,) Mr. Winthrop and the rest said they could 
doe no more then they had done thus to requeste them, the 
blame must rest on them. So they fell into a fair debating of 
things them selves; and after all things had been fully opened 
and discussed, and the opinione of each one demanded, both 
magistrats, and ministers, though they all could have wished 
these things had never been, yet they could not but lay the 
blame and guilt on Hockins owne head ; and withall gave them 
such grave and godly exhortations and advice, as they thought 
meete, both for the presente and future; which they allso 

' Meaning the plantation of Lord Saye and Lord Brooke, on the Piscataqua 


imbraced with love and thankfullnes, promising to indeavor 
to follow the same. And thus was this matter ended, and ther 
love and concord renewed; and also Mr. Wmthrop and Mr. 
Dudley write in their behalfes to the Lord Ssay and other 
gentl-men that were interesed in that plantation, very effectu- 
ally, with which, togeather with their owne leters, and Mr. 
Winslows furder declaration of things unto them, they rested 
well satisfied. 

Mr. Winslow was sente by them this year into England, 
partly to informe and satisfie the Lord Say and others, in the 
former matter, as also to make answer and their just defence 
for the same, if any thing should by any be prosecuted against 
them at Counsell-table, or els wher; but this matter tooke end, 
without any further trouble, as is before noted. And partly to 
signifie unto the partners in England, that the terme of their 
trade with the company here was out, and therfore he was sente 
to finishe the accounts with them, and to bring them notice 
how much debtore they should remaine on that accounte, 
and that they might know what further course would be best 
to hold./ But.the issue of these things will appear in the next 
years passages} They now sente over by him a great retume, 
which was very acceptable unto them; which was in beaver 
3738Zi. waight, (a great part of it, being coat-beaver, sould at 
20s. p'' pound,) and 234. otter skines; ' which alltogeather rise 
to a great sume of money. 

This year (in the foreparte of the same) they sente forth a 
barke to trad at the Dutch-Plantation; and they mette ther 
with on Captaine Stone, that had lived in Christophers, one 
of the West-Ende Ilands,^ and now had been some time in 
Virginia, and came from thence into these parts. He kept 
company with the Dutch Gove'', and, I know not in what 
drunken fitt, he gott leave of the Gov"" to ceaise on their barke, 
when they were ready to come away, and had done their 
markett, haveing the valew of 500li. worth of goods abord her; 

> "And the skin at Us." (Br.) » St. Christopher, in the West Indies. 


having no occasion at all, or any coUour of ground for such a 
thing, but having made the Gov' drunck, so as he could scarce 
speake a right word; and when he urged him hear aboute, he 
answered him, ^Zs 't u heleejt} So he gat abord, (the cheefe of 
their men and marchant being ashore,) and with some of his 
owne men, made the rest of theirs waigh anchor, sett sayle, and 
carry her away towards Virginia. But diverse of the Dutch 
sea-men, which had bene often at Plimoth, and kindly enter- 
tayned ther, said one to another, Shall we suffer our freinds to 
be thus abused, and have their goods carried away, before our 
faces, whilst am Gov"" is drunke? They vowed they would 
never suffer it; and so gott a vessell or 2. and pursued him, 
and brought him in againe, and delivered them their barke and 
goods againe. 

After wards Stone came into the Massachusets, and they 
sent and commensed suite against him for this facte ; but by 
mediation of freinds it was taken up, and the suite lett fall. 
And in the company of some other gentle-men Stone came 
afterwards to Plimoth, and had freindly and civill entertain- 
mente amongst them, with the rest; but revenge boyled within 
his brest, (though concelled,) for some conceived he had a 
purpose (at one time) to have stabbed the Gov'', and put his 
hand to his dagger for that end, but by Gods providence and 
the vigilance of some was prevented. He afterward returned 
to Virginia, in a pinass, with one Captaine Norton and some 
others; and, I know not for what occasion, they would needs 
goe up Coonigtecutt River; and how they carried themselves 
I know not, but the Indeans knoct him in the head, as he lay 
in his cabine, and had thrown the covering over his face 
(whether out of fear or desperation is uncertaine); this was 
his end. They likewise killed all the rest, but Captaine Norton 
defended him selfe a long time against them all in the cooke- 
roome, till by accidente the gunpowder tooke fire, which (for 
readynes) he had sett in an open thing before him, which did 

■ That is, "As you please." 


so burne, and scald him, and blind his eyes, as he could make 
no longer resistance, but was slaine also by them, though they 
much comended his vallour. And having killed the men, they 
made a pray of what they had, and chafered away some of 
their things to the Dutch that lived their. But it Was not longe 
before a quarell fell betweene the Dutch and them, and they 
would have cutt of their bark ; but they slue the cheef sachem 
with the shott of a murderer/ 

I am now to relate some Strang and remarkable passages. 
Ther was a company of people lived in the coimtry, up above 
in the river of Conigtecut, a great way from their trading house 
ther,^ and were enimise to those Indeans which hved aboute 
them, and of whom they stood in some fear (being a stout 
people). About a thousand of them had inclosed them selves 
in a forte, which they had strongly palissadoed about. 3. or 4. 
Dutch men went up in the begining of winter to live with them, 
to gett their trade, and prevente them for bringing it to the 
English, or to fall into amitie with them; but at spring to 
bring all downe to their place. But their enterprise failed, 
for it pleased God to visite these Indeans with a great sicknes, 
and such a mortalitie that of a 1000. above 900. and a halfe of 
them dyed, and many of them did rott above ground for want 
of buriall, and the Dutch men allmost starved before they 
could gett away, for ise and snow. But about Feb: they 
got with much difficultie to their trading house ; whom they 
kindly releeved, being allmost spente with himger and could. 
Being thus refreshed by them diverce days, they got to 
their owne place, and the Dutch were very thankfull for 
this kindnes. 

This spring, also, those Indeans that Hved aboute their 
trading house there fell sick of the small poxe, and dyed most 
miserably; for a sorer disease cannot befall them; they fear 

'The two paragraphs above were written on the reverse of the folios of the 
original manuscript, under this year. A murderer was a small piece of ordnance. 
'I. e., Indians living remote from the trading-house of the Plymouth men. 


it more then the plague ; for usualy they that have this disease 
have them in abvmdance, and for wante of bedding and hnning 
and other helps, they fall into a lamentable condition, as they 
lye on their hard matts, the poxe breaking and mattering, and 
runing one into another, their skin cleaving (by reason therof ) 
to the matts they lye on ; when they turne them, a whole side 
will flea of at once, (as it were,) and they will be all of a gore 
blood, most fearfuU to behold; and then being very sore, what 
with could and other distempers, they dye like rotten sheep. 
The condition of this people was so lamentable, and they fell 
downe so generally of this diseas, as they were (in the end) 
not able to help on another; no, not to make a fire, nor to 
fetch a htle water to drinke, nor any to burie the dead; but 
would strivie as long as they could, and when they could pro- 
cure no other means to make fire, they would burne the woden 
trayes and dishes they ate their meate in, and their very bowes 
and arrowes ; and some would crawle out on all foure to gett 
a htle water, and some times dye by the way, and not be able 
to gett in againe. But those of the English house, (though at 
first they were afraid of the infection,) yet seeing their woefull 
and sadd condition, and hearing their pitifull cries and lamenta- 
tions, they had compastion of them, and dayly fetched them 
wood and water, and made them fires, gott them victualls 
whilst they lived, and buried them when they dyed. For very 
few of them escaped,^ notwithstanding they did what they 
could for them, to the haszard of them selvs. The cheefe 
Sachem him selfe now dyed, and allmost all his freinds and 
kmred. But by tlTe _ma,rvelous goodnea ^aBd-.ttfQw4ens of 
God not cine"of tKe"Eiiglish w as so much^£^r in theieast 
measure tainted with this disease^ Jihoiightiiegz-dayly-didihesfi for many'weeksjp^ _And..this^£rcie 

wliT(^trth''y^hpwpd tlipi-n was kku^MaJ^^nrandr-tfaafikfully ac- 
knowledged of all the Indeans that knew or heard of the same; 
and their m'^ here did much comend and reward them for the 


Anno Dom: 1635. 

Mr. Winslow was very wellcome to them in England, and 
the more in regard of the large retume he brought with him, 
which came all safe to their hands, and was well sould. And 
he was borne in hand, (at least he so apprehended,) that all 
accounts should be cleared before his returne, and all former 
differences ther aboute well setled. And so he writ over to 
them hear, that he hoped to cleare the accotmts, and bring 
them over with him; and that the accounte of the White 
Angele would be taken of, and all things fairly ended. But it 
came to pass that, being occasioned to answer some complaints 
made against the countrie at Coimsell bord, more cheefly con- 
cerning their neigbom-s in the Bay then them selves hear, the 
which he did to good effecte, and further prosecuting such 
things as might tend to the good of the whole, as well them 
selves as others, aboute the wrongs and incroachments that the 
French and other strangers both had and were hke further to 
doe unto them, if not prevented, he prefered this petition 
following to their Hon" that were deputed Comissioners for 
the Plantations. 

To the right honorable the Lords Comissioners for the Plantations in 


The humble petition of Edw: Winslow, on the behalf e of the planta- 
tions in New-England, 

Humbly sheweth unto your Lordships, that wheras your petitioners 
have planted them selves in New England under his Ma*'' most gratious 
protection; now so it is, right Hon''', that the French and Dutch doe in- 
deaouer to devide the land betweene them ; for which purpose the French 
have, on the east side, entered and seased upon one of our houses, and 
carried away the goods, slew 2. of the men in another place, and tooke 
the rest prisoners with their goods. And the Dutch, on the west, have 
also made entrie upon Conigtecute River, within the limits of his Maj*° Its 
patent, where they have raised a forte, and threaten to expell your petition- 
ers thence, who are also planted upon the same river, maintaining posses- 
sion for his Ma''° to their great charge, and hazard both of lives and goods. 

In tender consideration hereof your petitioners humbly pray that 
your Lo^P' will either procure their peace with those foraine states, or 


else to give spetiall warrante unto. your petitioners and the English Col- 
lonies, to right and defend them selves against all foraigne enimies. And 
your petitioners shall pray, etc. 

This petition found good acceptation with most of them, 
and Mr. Winslow was heard smidry times by them, and ap- 
pointed further to attend for an answer from their LoPp^, es- 
petially, having upon conf erance with them laid downe a way 
how this might be doone without any either charge or trouble 
to the state ; only by furnishing some of the cheef e of the cuntry 
hear with authoritie, who would undertake it at their owne 
charge, and in such a way as should be without any pubhck dis- 
turbance. But this crossed both Sir Ferdinandos Gorges' and 
Cap: Masons designe, and the archbishop of Counterberies* 
by them; for Sr Ferd: Gorges (by the arch-pps favore) was 
to have been sent over generall Gov"" into the coimtrie, and to 
have had means from the state for that end, and was now upon 
dispatch and conclude of the bussines. And the arch-bishops 
purposs and intente was, by his means, and some he should 
send with him, (to be furnished with Episcopall power,) to 
disturbe the peace of the churches here, and to overthrow their 
proceedings and fiirther growth, which was the thing he aimed 
at. But it so fell out (by Gods providence) that though he 
in the end crost this petition from taking any further effecte 
in this kind, yet by this as a cheefe means the plotte and whole 
bussines of his and Sr Ferdinandos fell to the groimd, and came 
to nothmg. When Mr. Winslow should have had his suit 
granted, (as indeed upon the pointe it was,) and should have 
been confirmed, the arch-bishop put a stop upon it, and Mr. 
Winslow, thinking to gett it freed, went to the bord againe; 
but the bishop, Sr Ferd: and Captine Masson, had, as it 
seemes, procured Morton (of whom mention is made before, 

' The archbishop of Canterbury, William Laud. Captain John Mason had 
been associated with Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as patentees, under the Council for 
New England, of the region between the Merrimac and the Kennebec, 1622, and 
later had separate patents, 1629 and 1635, for that between the Merrimac and 
the Piscataqua (New Hampshire). 


and his base carriage) to complaine; to whose^complaints Mr. 
Winslow made answer to the good satisfaction of the horde, 
who checked Morton and rebuked him, sharply, and allso 
blamed Sr Fer*^ Gorges, and Masson, for countenancing him. 
But the bish: had a further end and use of his presence, for 
he now begane to question Mr. Wmslow of many things; as 
of teaching in the church pubhckly, of which Morton accused 
him, and gave evidence that he had seen and heard him doe it; 
to which Mr. Wmslow answered, that some time (wanting a 
minster) he did exercise his gifte to help the edification of his 
breethren, when they wanted better ' means, which was not 
often. Then aboute mariage, the which he also confessed, 
that, haveing been called to place of magistrate, he had somer 
times maried some. And further tould their lord^^ that 
mariage was a civille thinge, and he found no wher in the word 
of God that it was tyed to ministrie. Again, they were 
necessitated so to doe, having for a long time togeather at 
first no minister; besids, it was no new-thing, for he had been 
so maried him selfe in Holand, by the magistrats in their Statt- 
house. But in the end (to be short), for these things, the. bishop, 
by vemente importunity, gott the bord at last to consente to his 
comittemente ; so he was comited to the Fleete, and lay ther 17. 
weeks, or ther aboute, before he could gett to be released. And 
this was the end of this petition, and this bussines; only the 
others designe was also frustrated hereby, with other things 
concurring, which was no smalle blessing to the people here. 

But the charge fell heavie on them hear, not only in Mr. 
Winslows expences, (which could not be smale,) but by the 
hinderance of their bussines both ther and hear, by his personall 
imploymente. For though this was as much or more for others 
then for them hear, and by them cheefly he was put on this 
bussines, (for the plantation knewe nothing of it till they heard 
of his imprisonmente,) yet the whole charge lay on them. 

Now for their owne bussines ; whatsoever Mr. Sherleys mind 
was before, (or Mr. Winslow apprehension of the same,) he 


now declared him selfe plainly, that he wodd neither take of 
the White-Angell from the accounte, nor give any further ac- 
coimte, till he had received more into his hands; only a prety 
good supply of goods were sent over, but of the most, no note 
of their prises, or so orderly an invoyce as formerly; which Mr. 
Winslow said he could not help, because of his restrainte. 
Only now Mr. Sherley and Mr. Beachamp and Mr. Andrews 
sent over a letter of atturney under their hands and seals, to 
recovere what they could of Mr. Allerton for the Angells 
accounte; but sent them neither the bonds, nor covenants, or 
such other evidence or accounts, as they had aboute these 
matters. I shall here inserte a few passages out of Mr. Sherleys 
letters aboute these things. 

Your leter of the 22. of July, 1634, by your trustie and our loving 
friend Mr. Winslow, I have received, and your larg parcell of beaver and 
otter skines. Blessed be our God, both he and it came safly to us, and 
we have sould it in tow parcells; the skin at 145. li. and some at 16. ; the 
coate at 20*. the pound. The accounts I have not sent you them this 
year, I will referr you to Mr. Winslow to tell you the reason of it; yet 
be assured that none of you shall suffer by the not having of them, if 
God spare me life. And wheras you say the 6. years are expired that the 
peopl put the trad into your and our hands for, for the discharge of that 
great debte which Mr. Allerton needlesly and unadvisedly ran you and 
us into; yet 'it was promised it should continue till our disbursments and 
ingagements were satisfied. You conceive it is done; we feele and know 
other wise, etc. I doubt not but we shall lovingly agree, notwithstanding 
all that hath been writen, on boath sids, aboute the Whit-Angell. We 
have now sent you a letter of atturney, therby giving you power in our 
names (and to shadow it the more we say for our uses) to obtaine what 
may be of Mr. Allerton towards the satisfing of that great charge of the 
White Angell. And sure he hath bound him selfe, (though at present I 
cannot find it,) but he hath often affirmed, with great protestations, that 
neither you nor we should lose a peny by him, and I hope you shall find 
enough to discharg it, so as we shall have no more contesting aboute it. 
Yet, notwithstanding his unnaturall and unkind dealing with you, in the 
midest of justice remember mercie, and doe not all you may doe, etc. 
Set us out of debte, and then let us recone and reason togeither, etc. 
Mr. Winslow hath undergone an unkind imprisonment, but I am per- 


swaded it will turne much to all your good. I leave him to relate per- 

ticuleres, etc. -.^^ , • r • j 

Your loving iremd, 

London, Sep: 7. 1635. James Sherley. 

This year they sustained an other great loss from the 
French. Monsier de Aulnay* coming into the harbore of 
Penobscote, and having before gott some of the cheefe that 
belonged to the house abord his vessell, by sutlty coming upon 
them in their shalop, he gott them to pilote him in ; and after 
getting the rest into his power, he tooke possession of the 
house in the name of the king of France; and partly by 
threatening, and other wise, made Mr. Willett (their agente 
ther) to approve of the sale of the goods their unto him, of 
which he sett the price him selfe in effecte, and made an in- 
ventory therof, (yett leaving out sundry things,) but made no 
paymente for them; but tould them in convenient time he 
would doe it if they came for it. For the house and fortifica- 
tion, etc. he would not alow, nor accounte any thing, saing that 
they which build on another mans groimd doe forfite the same. 
So thus turning them out of all, (with a great deale of com- 
plemente, and many fine words,) he let them have their shalop 
and some victualls to bring them home. Coming home and 
relating all the passages, they here were much troubled at it, 
and haveing had this house robbed by the French once before, 
and lost then above 500K. (as is before remembred), and now 
to loose house and all, did much move them. So as they re- 
solved to consulte with their freinds in the Bay, and if they 
approved of it, (ther being now many ships ther,) they intended 
to hire a ship of force, and seeke to beat out the Frenche, and 
recover it againe. Ther course was well approved on, if them 
selves could bear the charge ; so they hired a fair ship of above 

' After the treaty of St. Germain, 1632, the Chevalier de Razilly was ap- 
pointed by Louis XIII. governor of Acadia. He appointed Charles de la Tour 
his lieutenant for the portion east of the St. Croix, and Charles de Menou, Sieur 
d'Aulney-Charnisg, his lieutenant for the part extending thence westward. Aul- 
ney was commissioned by Razilly in 1635 to drive out all English settlers east 
of Pemaquid. 


300. time, well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with the m'' 
(one Girling) to this effect: that he and his company should 
deUver them the house, (after they had driven out, or surprised 
the French,) and give them peacable possession therof, and of 
all such trading comodities as should ther be foimd; and give 
the French fair quarter and usage, if they would yeeld. In 
consideration wherof he was to have 700li. of beaver, to be 
deUvered him ther, when he had done the thing; but if he did 
not accompUsh it, he was to loose his labour, and have nothing. 
With him they also sent their owne bark, and about 20. men, 
with Captaine Standish, to aide him (if neede weer), and to 
order things, if the house was regained; and then to pay him 
the beaver, which they keept abord their owne barke. So 
they with their bark piloted him thither, and brought him safe 
into the harbor. But he was so rash and heady as he would 
take no advice, nor would suffer Captaine Standish to have 
time to summone them, (who had commission and order so to 
doe,) neither would doe it him selfe ; the which, it was like, if 
it had been done, and they come to affaire parley, seeing their 
force, they would have yeelded. Neither would he have 
patience to bring his ship wher she might doe execution, but 
begane to shoot at distance like a madd man, and did them 
no hurte at all; the which when those of the plantation saw, 
they were much greeved, and went to him and tould him he 
would doe no good if he did not lay his ship beter to pass (for 
she might lye within pistoU shott of the house). At last, when 
he saw his owne folly, he was perswaded, and layed her well, 
and bestowed a few shott to good purposs. But now, when he 
was in a way to doe some good, his powder was goone; for 
though he had . .' peece of ordnance, it did now appeare he 
had but a barrell of powder, and a peece; so he could doe no 
good, but was faine to draw of againe; by which means the 
enterprise was made frustrate, and the French incouraged; 
for all the while that he shot so tinadvisedly, they lay close 

' Blank in the original. 


lander a worke of earth, and let him consume him selfe. He 
advised with the Captaine how he might be supplyed with 
powder, for he had not to carie him home; so he tould him he 
would goe to the next plantation, and doe his indeour to pro- 
cxire him some, and so did; but understanding, by intelligence, 
that he intended to ceiase on the barke, and surprise the 
beaver, he sent him the powder, and brought the barke and 
beaver home. But Girling never assaulted the place more, 
(seeing him selfe disapoyented,) but went his way; and this 
was the end of this bussines. 

Upon the ill success of this bussines, the Gov"" and Assistants 
here by their leters certified their freinds in the Bay, how by 
this ship they had been abused and disapoynted, and that the 
French partly had, and were now likly to fortifie them selves 
more strongly, and Ukly to become ill neigbours to the Enghsh. 
Upon this they thus writ to them as foUoeth: — 

Worthy Srs: Upon the reading of your leters, and consideration of 
the waightines of the cause therin mentioned, the courte hath joyntly 
expressed their willingnes to assist you with men and munition, for the 
accomplishing of your desires upon the French. But because here are 
none of yours that have authority to conclude of any thing herein, nothing 
can be done by us for the presente. We desire, therfore, that you would 
with all conveniente speed send some man of trust, furnished with in- 
structions from your selves, to make such agreemente with us about this 
bussines as may be usefull for you, and equall for us. So in hast we 
commite you to God, and remaine 

Your assured loving freinds, 

John Haynes, Gov'. 
Ri: Bellingham, Dep. 


Tho: Dudley. 


Wm: Coddington. 
Wm: Pinchon. 
Atherton Houghe. 
Increas Nowell. 
Ric: Dumer. 
New-towne, Octo' 9. 1635. Simon Beadstrete, 


Upon the receite of the above mentioned, they presently- 
deputed 2. of theirs to treate with them, giving them full power 
to conclude, according to the instructions they gave them, 
being to this purposs: that if they would afford such assistance 
as, togeather with their owne, was like to effecte the thing, and 
allso bear a considerable parte of the charge, they would goe 
on; if not, they (having lost so much allready) should not be 
able, but must desiste, and waite further opport\mitie as God 
should give, to help them selves. But this came to nothing, 
for when it came to the issue, they would be at no charge, but 
sente them this letter, and referd them more at large to their 
owne messengers. 

Sr: Having, upon the consideration of your letter, with the message 
you sente, had some serious consultations aboute the great importance 
of your bussines with the French, we gave our answer to those whom you 
deputed to conferr with us aboute the viage to Penobscote. We shewed 
our willingnes to help, but withall we declared our presente condition, 
and in what state we were, for our abilitie to help; which we for our parts 
shall be willing to improve, to procure you sufficiente supply of men and 
munition. But for matter of moneys we have no authority at all to prom- 
ise, and if we should, we should rather disapoynte you, then incourage 
you by that help, which we are not able to perf orme. We likewise thought 
it fitt to take the help of other Esterne plantations ; but those things we 
leave to your owne wisdomes. And for other things we refer you to your 
owne committies,^ who are able to relate all the passages more at large. 
We salute you, and wish you all good success in the Lord. 
Your faithfull and loving friend, 

Ri: Bellingham, Dep: 
In the name of the rest of the Comities. 

Boston, Octob"' 16. 1635. 

This thing did not only thus breake of, but some^oLihei]: 

merchaats-AoiAl xafter sent to jra^ith LheiSTj^Uianished. 


have continued to doe till this day, as they have seen oppor- 

tunitie for their profite. So as in truth the English them 

' In the language of the seVerfteenWcentui^committee meant a person'Tb" 
whom a thing was committed. 


selves have been the cheeiesir supporters of these F^'glK^rfJot^. 
besids these, the plantation at Pemaquid (which lyes near unto 
them) doth not only supply them with what they wante, but 
gives them continuall intelligence of all things that passes 
among the EngUsh, (espetially some of them,) so as it is no 
marvell though they still grow, and incroach more and more 
upon the Enghsh, and fill the Indeans with gunes and munish- 
tion, to the great deanger of the English, who lye open and 
unfortified, living upon husbandrie; and the other closed up 
in their forts, well fortified, and five upon trade, in good se- 
curitie. If these things be not looked too, and remeady pro- 
vided in time, it may easily be conjectured what they may 
come toe; but I leave them. 

This year, the 14. or 15. of August (being Saturday) was 
such a mighty storme of wind and raine, as none living in these 
parts, either English or Indeans, ever saw. Being like (for 
the time it continued) to those Hauricanes and Tuffons' that 
writers make mention of in the Indeas. It began in the morn- 
ing, a litle before day, and grue not by degrees, but came with 
violence in the begining, to the great amasmente of many. 
It blew downe simdry houses, and uncovered others; diverce 
vessells were lost at sea, and many more in extreme danger. 
It caused the sea to swell (to the southward of this place) 
above 20. foote, right up and downe, and made many of the 
Indeans to chme into trees for their saftie; it tooke of the 
horded roofe of a house which belonged to the plantation at 
Manamet, and floted it to another place, the posts still stand- 
ing in the ground; and if it had continued long without the 
shifting of the wind, it is hke it would have drouned some parte 
of the cuntrie. It blew downe many hundered thowsands of 
trees, turning up the stronger by the roots, and breaking the 
hiegher pine trees of in the midle, and the tall yonge oaks and 
walnut trees of good biggnes were wound hke a withe, very 
Strang and fearfull to behould. It begane in the southeast, 

' Hurricanes and typhoons. 


and parted toward the south and east, and vered sundry ways; 
but the greatest force of it here was from the former quarters. 
It continued not (in the extremitie) above 5. or 6. houers, but 
the violence begane to abate. The signes and marks of it 
will remaine this 100. years in these parts wher it was sorest. 
The moone suffered a great eclips the 2. night after it. 

Some of their neighbours in the Bay, hereing of the fame 
of Conightecute River, had a hankering mind after it, (as was 
before noted,) and now understanding that the Indeans were 
swepte away with the late great mortahtie, the fear of whom 
was an obstacle tmto them before, which being now taken away, 
they begane now to prosecute it with great egernes. The 
greatest differances fell betweene those of Dorchester plantation 
and them hear; for they set their minde on that place, which 
they had not only pm-chased of the Indeans, but wher they had 
builte; intending only (if they could not remove them) that 
they should have but a smale moyety left to the house, as to a 
single family;* whose doings and proceedings were conceived 
to be very injurious, to attempte not only to intrude them 
selves into the rights and possessions of others, but in effect 
to thrust them out of all. Many were the leters and passages 
that went betweene them hear aboute, which would be to long 
here to relate. 

I shall here first inserte a few lines that was write by their 
own agente from thence. 

Sr: etc. The Masschuset men are coming almost dayly, some by 
water, and some by land, who are not yet determined wher to setle, though 
some have a great mind to the place we are upon, and which was last 
bought. Many of them look at that which this river will not afford, 
excepte it be at this place which we have, namly, to be a great towne, and 
have comodious dwellings for many togeather. So as what they will doe 

'The pronoims require explanation. The meaning is, "between those of 
Dorchester plantation and those of Plymouth; for the former set their mind on 
that place, which the Plymouth men had purchased and built on; intending, 
if they could not remove the Plymouth men, to allow them only a small piece of 
land around their trading-house, such as would ordinarily be assigned to a single 


I cannot yet resolve you; for this place ther is none of them say any thing 
to me, but what I hear from their servants (by whom I perceive their 
minds). I shall doe what I can to withstand them. I hope they will 
hear reason; as that we were here first, and entred with much difficulty 
and danger, both in regard of the Dutch and Indeans, and bought the 
land, (to your great charge, allready disbursed,) and have since held here 
a chargable possession, and kept the Dutch from further incroaching, 
which would els long before this day have possessed all, and kept out all 
others, etc. I hope these and such like arguments will stoppe them. It 
was your will we should use their persons and messengers kindly, and so 
we have done, and doe dayly, to your great charge; for the first company 
had well nie starved had it not been for this house, for want of victuals; 
I being forced to supply 12. men for 9. days'togeather; and those which 
came last, I entertained the best we could, helping both them (and the 
other) with canows, and guids. They gott me to goe with them to the 
Dutch, to see if I could procure some of them to have quiet setling nere 
them; but they did peremtorily withstand them. But this later company 
did not once speak therof, etc. Also I gave their goods house roome 
according to their ernest request, and Mr. Pinchons ' letter in their be- 
half e (which I thought good to send you, here inclosed). And what 
trouble and charge I shall be further at I know not; for they are comming 
dayly, and I expecte these back againe from below, whither they are gone 
to veiw the countrie. All which trouble and charg we under goe for their 
occasion, may give us just cause (in the judgmente of all wise and under- 
standing men) to hold and keep that we are setled upon. Thus with my 
duty remembred, etc. I rest 

Yours to be comanded 
Matianuck,^ July 6. 1635. Johnnathan Bkewstee.^ 

Amongst the many agitations that pased betweene them, 
I shal note a few out of their last letters, and for the present 
omitte the rest, except upon other occasion I may have fitter 
opportunity. After their thorrow veiw of the place, they 

' William Pynchon was one of the patentees of the Massachusetts charter 
and one of the court of assistants in that government. In 1636 he led a body 
of settlers to Agawam, afterward named Springfield from the name of his birth- 
place in England. This settlement was at first supposed to be in the juris- 
diction of Connecticut, but was afterward found to be in Massachusetts. 

= Jonathan Brewster, the oldest son of William Brewster, came over in the 
Fortune in 1621, and after living in Duxbury for a time removed to New London, 
Connecticut. a Matianuck was Windsor, Connecticut. 


began to pitch them selves upon their land and near their' 
house; which occasioned much expostulation betweene them. 
Some of which are such as follow. 

Brethren, having latly sent 2. of our body unto you, to agitate and 
bring to an issue some maters in difference betweene us, about some lands 
at Conightecutt, unto which you lay challeng; upon which God by his 
providence cast us, and as we conceive in a faire way of providence ten- 
dered it to us, as a meete place to receive our body, now upon removal!. 

Wc shall not need to answer all the passages of your larg letter, etc. But 
wheras you say God in his providence cast you, etc., we tould you before, 
and (upon this occasion) must now tell you still, that our mind is other wise, 
and that you cast rather a partiall, if not a covetous eye, upon that which is 
your neigbours, and not yours ; and in so doing, your way could not be faire 
unto it. Looke that you abuse not Gods providence in such allegations. 


Nowallbeite weat first judged the place so free that we might with Gods 
good leave take and use it, without just offence to any man, it being the Lords 
wast, and for the presente altogeather voyd of inhabitants, that indeede 
minded the imploymente therof , to the right ends for which land was created, 
Gen: 1. 28. and for future intentions of any, and uncertaine possibilities of 
this or that to be done by any, we judging them (in such a case as ours es- 
petialy) not meete to be equalled with presente-actions (such as ours was) 
much less worthy to be pref ered before them ; and therf ore did we make 
some weake beginings in that good worke, in the place afforesaid. 

Ans: Their ^ answer was to this effecte. That if it was the 
Lords wast, it was them selves' that found it so, and not they; 
and have since bought it of the right oweners, and maintained 
a chargable ppssession upon it al this while, as them selves 
could not but know. And because of present ingagments and 
other hinderances which lay at presente upon them, must it 
therfore be lawfuU for them to goe and take it from them? 
It was well known that they* are upon a barren place, wher 
they were by necessitie cast; and neither they nor theirs could 

' The PljTnouth men's. Of the three following paragraphs, the first and 
third are from letters of the Massachusetts authorities, the second from a letter 
of Plymouth. =■ The Plymouth men's. ' The Plymouth men. 

' The Plymouth settlers. 


longe continue upon the same; and why should they' (because 
they were more ready, and more able at presente) goe and 
deprive them of that which they had with charg and hazard 
provided, and intended to remove to, as soone as they could 
and were able? 

They^ had another passage in their letter; they had rather 
have to doe with the lords in England, to whom (as they heard 
it reported) some of them^ should say that they had rather 
give up their right to them, (if they must part with it,) then to 
the church of Dorchester, etc. And that they should be less 
fearfuU to offend the lords, then they were them. 

Ans: Their* answer was, that what soever they had 
heard, (more then was true,) yet the case was not so with them 
that they had need to give away their rights and adventurs, 
either to the lords, or them; yet, if they might measure their 
fear of offence by their practise, they had rather (in that poynte) 
they should deal with the lords, who were beter able to bear 
it, or help them selves, then they were. 

But least I should be teadious, I will forbear other things, 
and come to the conclusion that was made in the endd. To 
make any forcible resistance was farr from their thoughts, 
(they had enough of that about Kenebeck,) and to Hve in 
continuall contention with their freinds and brethren would be 
imcomfortable, and too heavie a burden to bear. Therfore for 
peace sake (though they conceived they suffered much in this 
thing) they thought it better to let them have it upon as good 
termes as they could gett; and so they fell to treaty. The 
first thing that (because they had made so many and long dis- 
puts aboute it) they would have them to grante was, that they 
had right too it, or ells they would never treat aboute it. The 
which being acknowledged, and yeelded unto by them, this 
was the conclusion they came unto in the end after much adoe: 
that they should retaine their house, and have the 16. parte 

' Those of Massachusetts. ' Massachusetts. 

' Plymouth, * Plymouth's, 


of all they had bought of the Indeans; and the other should 
have all the rest of the land; leavemg such a moyety to those 
of New-towne, as they reserved for them. This 16. part was 
to be taken ui too places; one towards the house, the other 
towards New-townes proporrtion. Also they were to pay 
according to proportion, what had been disbursed to the 
Indeans for the purchass. Thus was the controversie ended, 
but the unkindnes not so soone forgotten. They of New- 
towne delt more fairly, desireing only what they could con- 
veniently spare, from a competancie reserved for a plantation, 
for them selves; which made them the more carfuU to prociore 
a moyety for them, in this agreement and distribution. 

Amongst the other bussinesses that Mr. Winslow had to 
doe in England, he had order from the church to provid and 
bring over some able and fitt man for to be their minister. 
And accordingly he hadj pTSglired. a, godly and a worthy man, 
one Mr. Glovei(rbut it pleasedj3oa when he was prepared for 
the viage, he fellsickTsfarteaver and dyed. Afterwards, when 
he was ready to come away, he became acquainted with Mr. 
Norton, who was willing to come over, but would not ingage 
him selfe to this place, otherwise then he should see occasion 
when he came hear; and if he liked better else wher, to repay 
the charge laid out for him, (which came to aboute 70li.) and 
to be at his liberty. He stayed aboute a year with them, after 
he came over, and was well liked of them, and much desired by 
them; but he was invited to Ipswich, wher were many rich 
and able men, and sundry of his aquaintance; so he wente to 
them, and is their minister. Aboute half of the charg was re- 
payed, the rest he had for the pains he tooke amongst them. 

Anno Dom: 1636. 

Mr. Ed: Winslow was chosen Gov'' this year. 

In the former year, because they perceived by Mr. Winslows 
later letters that no accounts would be sente, they resolved 
to keep the beaver, and send no more, till they had them, or 


came to some fmiiher agreemente. At least they would forbear 
till Mr. Winslow came over, that by more full conferance with 
him they might better understand what was meete to be done. 
But when he came, though he brought no accounts, yet he 
perswaded them to send the beaver, and was confident upon 
the receite of that beaver, and his letters, they should have 
accounts the nexte year; and though they thought his grounds 
but weake, that gave him this hope, and made him so confi- 
dente, yet by his importunitie they yeelded, and sente the 
same, ther being a ship at the latter end of year, by whom they 
sente 1150li. waight of beaver, and 200. otter skms, besids 
simdrie small furrs, as 55. minks, 2. black foxe skins, etc. 
And this year, in the spring, came in a Dutch man, who thought 
to have traded at the Dutch-forte; but they would not suffer 
him. He, having good store of trading goods, came to this 
place, and tendred them to sell ; of whom they bought a good 
quantitie, they being very good and fitte for their tume, as 
Dutch roll, ketles, etc., which goods amounted to the valew 
of 500K., for the paymente of which they passed bills to Mr. 
Sherley in England, having before sente the forementioned 
parcell of beaver. And now this year (by another ship) sente 
an other good round parcell that might come to his hands, and 
be sould before any of these bills should be due. The quantity 
of beaver now sent was 1809K. waight, and of otters 10. skins, 
and shortly after (the same year) was sent by another ship 
(Mr. Langnmie maister), in beaver 0719li. waight, and of otter 
skins 199. concerning which Mr. Sherley thus writs. 

Your leters I have received, with 8. hoggsheads of beaver by Ed: 
Wilkinson, m'' of the Falcon. Blessed be God for the safe coming of it. 
I have also seen and acceped 3. bills of exchainge, etc. But I must now 
acquaints you how the Lords heavie hand is upon this kingdom in many 
places, but cheefly in this cittie, with his judgmente of the plague. The 
last weeks bill ' was 1200. and odd, I fear this will be more; and it is much 
feared it will be a winter sicknes. By reason wherof it is incredible the 
number of people that are gone into the cuntry and left the citie. I am 

' Bill of mortality. 


perswaded many more then went out the last sicknes; so as here is no 
trading, carriors from most places put downe; nor no receiving of any 
money, though long due. Mr. Hall ows us more then would pay these 
bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in the cuntrie, 60. miles from London. 
I write to him, he came up, but could not pay us. I am perswaded if I 
should offer to sell the beaver at 8s. p'' pound, it would not yeeld money; 
but when the Lord shall please to cease his hand, I hope we shall have 
better and quicker markets; so it shall lye by. Before I accepted the 
bills, I acquainted Mr. Beachamp and Mr. Andrews with them, and how 
ther could be no money made nor received; and that it wOuld be a great 
discredite to you, which never yet had any turned back, and a shame to us, 
haveing ISOOli. of beaver lying by us, and more oweing then the bills 
come too, etc. But all was nothing; neither of them both will put too 
their finger to help. I offered to supply my 3. parte, but they gave me 
their answer they neither would nor could, etc. How ever, your bils shall 
be satisfied to the parties good contente; but I would not have thought 
they would have left either you or me at this time, etc. You will and may 
expect I should write more, and answer your leters, but I am not a day 
in the weeke at home at towne, but carry my books and all to Clapham;' 
for here is the miserablest time that I thinke hath been known in many 
ages. I have known 3. great sickneses, but none like this. And that 
which should be a means to pacific the Lord, and help us, that is taken 
away, preaching put downe in many places, not a sermone in Westminster 
on the saboth, nor in many townes aboute us; the Lord in mercie looke 
uppon us. In the begining of the year was a great drought, and no raine 
for many weeks togeather, so as all was burnte up, haye at 5li. a load; 
and now all raine, so as much sommer corne and later haye is spoyled. 
Thus the Lord sends judgmente after judgmente, and yet we cannot see, 
nor hiunble our selves; and therfore may justly fear heavier judgments, 
unless we speedyly repente, and returne unto him, which the Lord give 
us grace to doe, if it be his blessed will. Thus desiring you to remember 
us in your prayers, I ever rest 

Your loving friend, 
Sep*: 14. 1636. James Sherlet. 

This was all the answer they had from Mr. Sherley, by 
which Mr. Winslow saw his hops failed him. So they now 
resoloved to send no more beaver in that way which they had 
done, till they came to some issue or other aboute these things. 

' Clapham is in Surrey, near London. 


But now came over letters from Mr. Andrews and Mr. Bea- 
champ full of complaints, that they marveled that nothing 
was sent over, by which any of their moneys should be payed 
in; for it did appear by the accounte sente in An° 1631. that 
they were each of them out, aboute a leven hundered pounds 
a peece, and all this while had not received one penie towards 
the same. But now Mr. Sherley sought to draw more money 
from them, and was offended because they deneyed him; and 
blamed them hear very much that all was sent to Mr. Sherley, 
and nothing to them. They marvelled much at this, for they 
conceived that much of their moneis had been paid in, and that 
yearly each of them had received a proportionable quantity 
out of the larg retumes sent home. For they had sente home 
since that accoimte was received in An° 1631. (in which all and 
more then all their debts, with that years supply, was charged 
upon them) these sumes following. 


An° 1631. 

By Mr. Peirce 

04Wli. waight of beaver, and otters 20. 

July 13 

An" 1632. 

By Mr. Griffin 

1348fe'. beaver, and otters . 


An° 1633. 

By Mr. Graves 

3366Zi. bever, and otters . 


An° 1634. 

By Mr. Andrews 

3738Zi. beaver, and otters . 


An° 1635. 

By Mr. Babb 

1150/i. beaver, and otters . 


June 24. 

An° 1636. 

By Mr. Willkinson 

1809^1. beaver, and otters . 



By Mr. Langrume 

0719K. beaver, and otters . 


12150K.' 1166. 

All these sumes were safly rceived and well sould, as appears 
by leters. The coat beaver usualy at 20s. p"" pound, and some 
at 24s. ; the skin at 15. and sometimes 16. I doe not remem- 
ber any imder 14. It may be the last year might be something 
lower, so also ther were some small furrs that are not recconed 
in this accounte, and some black beaver at higer rates, to 
make up the defects. It was conceived that the former parcells 
of beaver came to litle less then lOOOOK. sterling, and the otter 
skins would pay all the charge, and they with other furrs make 
up besids if any thing wanted of the former sume. When the 
former accounte was passed, all their debts (those of White- 

> Not correctly added; the sum should be 12530/i. 


Angdle and FrendsMp included) came but to 4770K. And 
they could not estimate that all the supphes since sent them, 
and bills payed for them, could come to above 2000Zi. so as 
they conceived their debts had been payed, with advantage or 
intrest. But it may be objected, how comes it that they could 
notasjwelL ig n. ct l y nott do w no theirf e ealsf^a1i^■ lJ tW-^tiL ^ I ^nes, 
but thus estimate it. I a nswer, 2^- things, wero-fefl-BaMae-of it ; 
the first and£rmeipaILj^a£^-Jiyai,^hfijie^^ which 

they1ii"EIhgland would needs ppesse- upon them, did whtfly 

trusting to his memorie, and lose papers, let things rune into 
such confusion, that neither he, nor any with him, could bring 
things to rights. But being often called upon to perfecte his 
accounts, he desired to have such a time, and such a time of 
leasure, and he would doe it. In_the intriniehei&LUHrfeo'iargreat 
pip.lfnqs, anrl jn nnn p.ln si qd. it fell Qut iTTejao3Jd!mak&jiQ.accQmite 
at aiL__IIis--beeks-JBZBr£_aiter_aJit^^ beginingleft_alto- 
geather unperfect; and his papers, some were los^aiid others 
so confused, as he knew not what to make of them him selfe, 
when they came to be searched and examined. This was not 
unknowne to Mr. Sherley; and they came to smarte for it to 
purposs, (though it was not their faulte,) both thus in England, 
and also here; for they conceived they lost some hundred of 
pounds for goods"'tlTtstedj(mt4n,.,the-plaee7-'wffi^^ei^^ 
walrtTof-elearaccounts to calLthem hii.. Another reason of this 
mischeefe was, that after Mr. Winslow was sente into England 
to demand accounts, and to excepte against the Whit-Angell, 
they never had any price sent with their goods, nor any certaine 
invoyce of them; but all things stood in confusion, and they 
were faine to guesse at the prises of them. 

They write back to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp, and 
tould them they marveled they should write they had sent 
nothing home since the last accounts; for they had sente a 
great deale; and it might rather be marveled how they could 
be able to send so much, besids defraying all charg at home. 


. what they had lost by the French, and so much cast away 

sea, when Mr. Peirce lost his ship on the coast of Virginia. 
What they had sente was to them all, and to them selves as 
well as Mr. Sherley, and if they did not looke after it, it was 
their owne falts; they must referr them to Mr. Sherley, who 
had received it, to demand it of him. They allso write to 
Mr. Sherley to the same purposs, and what the others com- 
plaints were. 

This year 2. shallops going to Coonigtecutt with goods from 
the Massachusetts of such as removed theither to plante, were 
in an easterly storme cast away in coming into this harbore 
in the night ; the boats men were lost, and the goods were driven 
all alonge the shore, and strowed up and downe at highwater 
marke. But the Gov'' caused them to be gathered up, and 
drawn togeather, and appointed some to take an inventory 
of them, and others to wash and drie such things as had 
neede therof ; by which means most of the goods were saved, 
and restored to the owners. Afterwards anotheir boate of 
theirs (going thither likwise) was cast away near unto Manoan- 
scusett,^ and such goods as came a shore were preserved for 
them. Su£h_crosses they mette within their beginings; which 
^sonie imputed as a correction from God for theirintrution (to 
the wrong of others) into that place. , J5utTSaE§.notJbe bould 
with Gods judgments in this kind, i 

In the year 1634, the Pequents (a-stoute and warhke people), 
who had made warrs with sundry of their neigbours, and puft 
up with many victories, grue now at varience with the Nari- 
gansets, a great people bordering upon them. These Narigan- 
sets held correspondance and termes of freindship with the 
English of the Massachusetts. Now the Pequents, being con- 
scious of the guilte of Captain-Stones death, whom they knew 
to be an-Enghsh man, as also those that were with him, and 

' Manoanscussett was what was formerly the northern part of Sandwich, 
Massachusetts, which was for many years known as Scussett. It is now the 
town of Bourne, between Sandwich and Plymouth. 


being fallen out with the Dutch, least they should have over 
many enemies at once, sought to make freindship with the 
EngUsh of the Massachiisetts; and for that end sent both 
messengers and gifts imto them, as appears by some letters 
sent from the Gov"" hither. 

Dear and worthy Sr: etc. To let you know somwhat of our affairs, 
you may understand that the Pequents have sent some of theirs to us, to 
desire our freindship, and offered much wampum and beaver, etc. The 
first messengers were dismissed without answer; with the next we had 
diverce dayes conferance, and taking the advice of some of our ministers, 
and seeking the Lord in it, we concluded a peace and freindship with them, 
upon these conditions: that they should deliver up to us those men who 
were guilty of Stones death, etc. And if we desired to plant in Conighte- 
cute, they should give up their right to us, and so we would send to trade 
with them as our freinds (which was the cheefe thing we aimed at, being 
now in warr with the Dutch and the rest of their neigbours). To this they 
readily agreed; and that we should meadiate a peace betweene them and 
the Narigansetts; for which end they were contente we should give the 
Narigansets parte of that presente, they would bestow on us (for they 
stood so much on their honour, as they would not be seen to give any 
thing of them selves). As for Captein Stone, they tould us ther were but 
2. left of those who had any hand in his death; and that they killed him 
in a just quarell, for (say they) he surprised 2. of our men, and bound 
them, to make them by force to shew him the way up the river ;^ and he 
with 2. other coming on shore, 9. Indeans watched him, and when they 
were a sleepe in the night, they kiled them, to deliver their owne men; 
and some of them going afterwards to the pinass, it was suddainly blowne 
up. We are now preparing to send a pinass unto them, etc. 

In an other of his, dated the 12. of the first month, he hath 

Our pinass is latly returned from the Pequents; they put of but lide 
comoditie, and found them a very false people, so as they mean to have no 
more to doe with them. I have diverce other things to write unto you, etc. 

Yours ever assured, 


Boston, 12. of the 1. month, 1634.^ 

' "Ther is litle trust to be given to their relations in these things." (Br.) 
'^/.e., March 12, 1634/5. 


After these things, and, as I take, this year, John Oldom, 
(of whom much is spoken before,) being now an inhabitant of 
the Massachusetts, went with a small vessell, and slenderly 
mand, a trading into these south parts, and upon a quarell 
betweene him and the Indeans was cutt of by them (as hath 
been before noted) at an iland called by the Indeans Mimisses, 
but since by the EngUsh Block Iland.^ This, with the former 
about the death of Stone, and the baffoyling^ of the Pequents 
with the English of the Massachusetts, moved them to set out 
some to take revenge, and require satisfaction for these wrongs; 
but it was done so superfitially, and without their acquaintmg 
of those of Conightecute and other neighbours with the same, 
as they did litle good. But their neigbours had more hurt done, 
for some of the murderers of Oldome fled to the Pequents, and 
though the English went to the Pequents, and had some parley 
with them, yet they did but delude them, and the EngUsh re- 
turned without doing any thing to purpose, being frustrate of 
their oppertunitie by the others deceite. After the English 
were returned, the Pequents tooke their time and oppertunitie 
to cut of some of the English as they passed in boats, and went 
on fouhng, and assaulted them the next spring at their habyta- 
tions, as will appear in its place. I doe but touch these things, 
because I make no question they wifl be more fully and dis- 
tinctly handled by them selves, who had more exacte knowledg 
of them, and whom they did more properly concerne.' 

This year Mr. Smith layed downe his place of ministrie, 
partly by his owne wilUngnes, as thinking it too heavie a 
burthen, and partly at the desire, and by the perswasion, of 
others; and the church sought out for some other, having often 
been disappointed in their hops and desires heretofore. And 

' This island was named after Adrian Block, to whom its discovery has 
been by many attributed, as occurring in 1614. There can be little doubt that 
Verrazano discovered it in 1524 and named it Claudia after the mother of Francis 
I. It bears this name on Lock's map of 1582. See Winsor's Narrative and 
Critical History, III. 40. ' Baffling, in the sense of shuffling. 

' Mason's, Lyon Gardiner's, and Underhill's accounts of the Pequot War 
all have some claim to be regarded as official. 


it pleased the Lord to send them an able and a godly man/ 
and of a meeke and humble spirits, sound in the truth, and 
every way vinreproveable in his hfe and conversation ; whom, 
after some time of triall, they chose for their teacher, the fruits 
of whose labours they injoyed many years with much comforte, 
in peace, and good agreemente. 

Anno Dom: 1637. 

In the fore parte of this year, the Pequents fell openly upon 
the English at Conightecute, in the lower parts of the river, and 
slew sundry of them, (as they were at work in the feilds,) both 
men and women, to the great terrour of the rest ; and wente 
away in great prid and triimiph, with many high threats. 
They allso assalted a fort at the rivers mouth, though strong 
and well defended; and though they did not their prevaile, 
yet it struk them with much fear and astonishmente to see 
their bould attempts in the face of danger; which made them 
in all places to stand upon their gard, and to prepare for re- 
sistance, and emestly to solissite their freinds and confederats 
in the Bay of Massachusets to send them speedy aide, for they 
looked for more forcible assaults. Mr. Vane,^ being then 
Gov"^, write from their Generall Courte to them hear, to joyne 
with them in this warr; to which they were cordially willing, 
but tooke opportunitie to write to them aboute some former 
things, as well as presente, considerable hereaboute. The 
wliich will best appear in the Gov' answer which he returned 
to the same, which I shall here inserte. 

Sr: The Lord having so disposed, as that your letters to our late 
Gov' is fallen to my lott to make answer unto, I could have wished I 
might have been at more freedome of time and thoughts also, that I might 
have done it more to your and my owne satisfaction. But what shall be 

' "Mr. John Reiner." (Br.) He graduated at Magdalen College, Cam- 
bridge. Charles Chauncy was associated with him in the Plymouth ministry 
from 1638 to 1641. After he left Plymouth in 1654 he was settled in Dover, 
New Hampshire, where he remained until his death. 

'Afterward Sir Henry Vane. He was elected governor of Massachusetts in 
the spring of 1636. 


wanting now may be supplyed hereafter. For the matters which from 
your selfe and counsell were propounded and objected to us, we thought 
not fitte to make them so publicke as the cognizance of our Generall 
Courte. But as they have been considered by those of our counsell, this 
answer we thinke fitt to returne unto you. (1.) Wereas you signifie your 
willingnes to joyne with us in this warr against the Pequents, though you 
cannot ingage your selves without the consente of your Generall Courte, 
we acknowledg your good affection towards us, (which we never had cause 
to doubt of,) and are willing to attend your full resolution, when it may 
most seasonably be ripened. (2*^.) Wheras you make this warr to be 
our peopls, and not to conceirne your selves, otherwise then by conse- 
quence, we do in parte consente to you therin; yet we suppose, that, 
in case of perill, you will not stand upon such terms, as we hope we should 
not doe towards you; and withall we conceive that you looke at the Pe- 
quents, and all other Indeans, as a commone enimie, who, though he 
may take occasion of the begining of his rage, from some one parte of the 
English, yet if he prevaile, will surly pursue his advantage, to the rooting 
out of the whole nation. Therfore when we desired your help, we did it 
not without respecte to your owne saftie, as ours. (3'^.) Wheras you 
desire we should be ingaged to aide you, upon all like occasions; we are 
perswaded you doe not doubte of it; yet as we now deale with you as a 
free people, and at libertie, so as we cannot draw you into this warr with 
us, otherwise then as reason may guid and provock you; so we desire 
we may be at the like freedome, when any occasion may call for help from 
us. And wheras it is objected to us, that we refused to aide you against 
the French; we conceive the case was not alicke; yet we cannot wholy 
excuse our failing in that matter. (4'^.) Weras you objecte that we 
began the warr without your privitie, and managed it contrary to your 
advise; the truth is, that our first intentions being only against Block 
Hand, and the interprice seeming of small difficultie, we did not so much 
as consider of taking advice, or looking out for aide abroad. And when 
we had resolved upon the Pequents, we sent presently, or not long after, 
to you aboute it; but the answer received, it was not seasonable for us to 
chaing our counsells, excepte we had seen and waighed your grounds, 
which might have out wayed our owne. 

(5*^.) For our peoples trading at Kenebeck, we assure you (to our 
knowledge) it hath not been by any allowance from us ; and what we have pro- 
vided in this and like cases, at our last Courte, Mr. E. W. can certifie you. 

And (6''') ; wheras you objecte to us that we should hold trade and 
correspondancie with the French, your enemise; we answer, you are mis- 
informed, for, besids some letters which hath passed betweene our late 


Gov^' and them, to which we were privie, we have neither sente nor 
incouraged ours to trade with them; only one vessell or tow, for the better 
conveance of our letters, had licens from our Gov' to sayle thither.^ 

Divorce other things have been privatly objected to us, by our worthy 
freind, wherunto he received some answer; but most of them concerning 
the apprehention of perticuler discurteseis, or injueries from some per- 
ticuler persons amongst us. It concernes us not to give any other answer 
to them then this; that, if the offenders shall be brought forth in a right 
way, we shall be ready to doe justice as the case shall require. In the 
meane time, we desire you to rest assured, that such things are without 
our privity, and not a litle greeveous to us. 

Now for the joyning with us in this warr, which indeed concerns us 
no other wise then it may your selves, viz. : the releeving of our f reinds 
and Christian breethren, who are now first in the danger; though you 
may thinke us able to make it good without you, (as, if the Lord please to 
be with us, we may,) yet 3. things we offer to your consideration, which (we 
conceive) may have some waight with you. (First) that if we should 
sinck under this burden, your opportunitie of seasonable help would be 
lost in 3. respects. 1. You cannot recover us, or secure your selves ther, 
with 3. times the charge and hazard which now ye may. 2'^. The sor- 
rowes which we should lye under (if through your neglect) would much 
abate of the acceptablenes of your help afterwards. 3'''. Those of yours, 
who are now full of courage and forwardnes, would be much damped, 
and so less able to undergoe so great a burden. The (2.) thing is this, 
that it concernes us much to hasten this warr to an end before the end of 
this sonimer, otherwise the newes of it will discourage both your and our 
freinds from coming to us next year; with what further hazard and losse 
it may expose us unto, your selves may judge. 

The (3.) thing is this, that if the Lord shall please to blesse our en- 
deaours, so as we end the warr, or put it in a hopefuU way without you, 
it may breed such ill thoughts in our people towards yours, as will be hard 
to entertaine such opinione of your good will towards us, as were fitt to 
be nurished among such neigbours and brethren as we are. And what 
ill consequences may follow, on both sids, wise men may fear, and would 
rather prevente then hope to redress. So with my harty salutations to 
you selfe, and all your counsell, and other our good freinds with you, I rest 
Yours most assured in the Lord, 

Boston, the 20. of the 3. month, 1637.^ Jo: Winthrop. 


""But by this means they did furnish them, and have still continued to 
doe." (Br.) ^ /. e., May 20, 1637. 


In the mean time, the Pequents, espetially in the winter be- 
fore, sought to make peace with the Narigansets, and used very 
pernicious arguments to move them therunto : as that the Eng- 
Hsh were stranegers and begane to overspred their countrie, and 
would deprive them therof in time, if they were suffered to grow 
and increse; and if the Narigansets did assist the English to sub- 
due them, they did but make way for their owne overthrow, for 
if they were rooted out, the EngUsh would soone take occasion to 
subjugate them ; and if they would harken to them, they should 
not neede to fear the strength of the Enghsh ; for they would not 
come to open battle with them, but fire their houses, kill their 
katle, and lye in ambush for them as they went abroad upon 
their occasions ; and all this they might easily doe without any 
or litle danger to them selves. The which course being held, 
they well saw the English could not long subsiste,but they would 
either be starved with himger, or be forced to forsake the coun- 
trie; with many the like things; insomuch that the Narigansets 
were once wavering, and were halfe minded to have made peace 
with them, and joyned against the Enghsh. But againe when 
they considered, how much wrong they had received from the 
Pequents, and what an oppertimitie they now had by the help 
of the English to right them selves, revenge was so sweete unto 
them, as it prevailed above all the rest; so as they resolved 
to joyne with the English against them, and did. The Court 
here agreed forwith to send 50. men at their owne charg; and 
with as much speed as posiblie they could, gott them armed, 
and had made them ready under sufficiente leaders, and pro- 
vided a barke tocarrie them provisions and tend upon them for 
all occasions ; but when they were ready to march (with a sup- 
ply from the Bay) they had word to stay, for the enimy was 
as good as vanquished, and their would be no neede. 

I shall not take upon me exactly to describe their proceed- 
ings in these things, because I expecte it will be fully done by 
them selves, who best know the carrage and circumstances of 
things; I shall therfore but touch them in generall. From 


Connightecute (who were most sencible of the hurt sustained, 
and the present danger), they sett out a partie of men, and an 
other partie mett them from the Bay, at the Narigansets, who 
were to joyne with them. The Narigansets were emest to be 
gone before the English were well rested and refreshte, espetial- 
ly some of them which came last. It should seeme their desire 
was to come upon the enemie sudenly, and imdiscovered. Ther 
was a barke of this place, newly put in ther, which was come 
from Conightecutte, who did incom-age them to lay hold of 
the Indeans forwardnes, and to shew as great forwardnes as 
they, for it would incorage them, and expedition might prove 
to their great advantage. So they went on, and so ordered 
their march, as the Indeans brought them to a forte of the 
enimies (in which most of their cheefe men were) before day. 
They approached the same with great silence, and surrounded 
it both with EngUsh and Indeans, that they might not breake 
out; and so assualted them with great courage, shooting 
amongst them, and entered the forte with all speed ; and those 
that first entered found sharp resistance from the enimie, who 
both shott at and grapled with them; others rane into their 
howses, and brought out fire, and sett them on fire, which 
scone tooke in their matts, and, standing close togeather, 
with the wind, all was quickly on a flame, and therby more 
were bumte to death then was otherwise slain; it burnte 
their bowstrings, and made them imservisable. Those that 
scaped the fire were slaine with the sword; some hewed to 
peeces, others rime throw with their rapiers, so as they were 
quickly dispatchte, and very few escaped. It was conceived 
they thus destroyed about 400. at this time. It was a fearfull 
sight to see them thus frying in the fyer, and the streams of 
blood quenching the same, and horrible was the stinck and 
sente ther of; but-iha ^ctory seemed a sweete sac rjfijcey and 
they .,gaxeJihe_j}iagg_.ti ierof to God ^_jg^had wrovght„.§a. 
wpnderfuly io]:„thero, thus to inclose their enimise in their 
hands, and give them sospeeSy^a, victory'over so proud and 


insulting an enimie. The Narigansett Indeans, all this while, 
stood round aboute, but aloofe from all danger, and left the 
whole execution to the Enghsh, exept it were the stoping of 
any that broke away, insulting over their enimies in this their 
ruine and miserie, when they saw them dancing in the flames, 
calling them by a word in their owne language, signifing, 
brave Pequents! which they used famiherly among them 
selves in their own prayes, in songs of triumph after their 
victories. After this servis was thus happily accompHshed, they 
marcht to the water side, wher they mett with some of their 
vesells, by which they had refreishing with victualls and other 
necessaries. But in their march the rest of the Pequents drew 
into a body, and acoasted them, thinking to have some ad- 
vantage against them by reason of a neck of land; but when 
they saw the EngUsh prepare for them, they kept a loofe, so as 
they neither did hurt, nor could receive any. After their refreish- 
ing and repair to geather for further coimsell and directions, 
they resolved to pursue their victory, and follow the warr against 
the rest, but the Narigansett Indeans most of them f orsooke them, 
and such of them as they had with them for guids, or otherwise, 
they found them very could and backward in the bussines, ether 
out of en vie, or that they saw the English would make more 
profite of the victorie then they were willing they should, or els 
deprive them of such advantage as them selves desired by hav- 
ing them become tributaries imto them, or the like. 

For the rest of this bussines, I shall only relate the same 
as it is in a leter which came from Mr. Winthrop to the Gov'' 
hear, as foUoweth. 

Worthy Sr : I received your loving letter, and am much provocked to 
express my affections towards you, but straitnes of time forbids me; for 
my desi re is to acguainte-yau- with 4he-fcords-fflTate"tBer«^sJa wards us, 
in our prevailing against iis. and pur enimi^; thatrou may rejoyce and 
praise his name with us. About 80. of our men, haveing costed along 
towards the Dutch plantation, (some times by water, but most by land,) 
mett hear and ther with some Pequents, whom they slew or tooke prisoners. 
2. sachems they tooke, and beheaded; and not hearing of Sassacous, (the 


cheefe sachem,) they gave a prisoner his Ufe, to goe and find him out. 
He wente and brought them word where he was, but Sassacouse, suspect- 
ing him to be a spie, after he was gone, fled away with some 20. more to 
the Mowakes, so our men missed of him. Yet, deviding them selves, and 
ranging up and downe, as the providence of God guided them (for the 
Indeans were all gone, save 3. or 4. and they knew not whither to guide 
them, or els would not), upon the 13. of this month, they light upon a great 
company of them, viz. 80. strong men, and 200. women and children, in a 
small Indean towne, fast by a hideous swamp,' which they all slipped into 
before our men could gett to them. Our captains were not then come 
togeither, but ther was Mr. Ludlow and Captaine Masson, with some 10. 
of their men, and Captaine Patrick with some 20. or more of his, who, 
shooting at the Indeans, Captaine Trask with 50. more came soone in at 
the noyse. Then they gave order to surround the swampe, it being aboute 
a mile aboute; but Levetenante Davenporte and some 12. more, not hear- 
ing that command, fell into the swampe among the Indeans. The 
swampe was so thicke with shrub-woode, and so boggie with all, that 
some of them stuck fast, and received many shott. Levetenant Daven- 
port was dangerously wounded aboute his armehole, and another shott 
in the head, so as, fainting, they were in great danger to have been taken 
by the Indeans. But Sargante Rigges, and Jeffery, and 2. or 3. more, 
rescued them, and slew diverse of the Indeans with their swords. After 
they were drawne out, the Indeans desired parley, and were offered (by 
Thomas Stanton, our interpretour) that, if they would come out, and yeeld 
them selves, they should have their lives, all that had not their hands in the 
English blood. Wherupon the sachem of the place came forth, and an 
old man or 2. and their wives and children, and after that some other 
women and children, and so they spake 2. howers, till it was night. Then 
Thomas Stanton was sente into them againe, to call them forth ; but they said 
they would selle their lives their, and so shott at him so thicke as, if he had 
not cried out, and been presently rescued, they had slaine him. Then our 
men cutt of a place of the swampe with their swords, and cooped the 
Indeans into so narrow a compass, as they could easier kill them throw 
the thickets. So they continued all the night, standing aboute 12. foote 
one from an other, and the Indeans, coming close up to our men, shot their 
arrows so thicke, as they pierced their hatte brimes, and their sleeves, 
and stockins, and other parts of their cloaths, yet so miraculously did the 
Lord preserve them as not one of them was wounded, save those 3. who 
rashly went into the swampe. When it was nere day, it grue very darke, 
so as those of them which were left dropt away betweene our men, though 
» Within the present town of Fairfield, Connecticut. 


they stood but 12. or 14. foote assunder; but were presenly discovered, 
and some killed in the pursute. Upon searching of the swampe, the next 
morning, they found 9. slaine, and some they pulled up, whom the Indeans 
had buried in the mire, so as they doe thinke that, of all this company, not 
20. did escape, for they after found some who dyed in their flight of their 
wounds received. The prisoners were devided, some to those of the 
river, and the rest to us. Of these we send the male children to Bermuda,' 
by Mr. William Peirce, and the women and maid children are disposed 
aboute in the townes. Ther have been now slaine and taken, in all, aboute 
700. The rest are dispersed, and the Indeans in all quarters so terrified 
as all their friends are affraid to receive them. 2. of the sachems of Long 
Hand came to Mr. Stoughton and tendered them selves to be tributaries 
under our protection. And 2. of the Neepnett ^ sachems have been with 
me to seeke our frendship. Amonge the prisoners we have the wife and 
children of Mononotto, a womon of a very modest countenance and be- 
haviour. It was by her mediation that the 2. English maids were spared 
from death, and were kindly used by her; so that I have taken charge of 
her. One of her first requests was, that the English would not abuse her 
body, and that her children might not be taken from her. Those which 
were wounded were fetched of soone by John Galopp, who came with his 
shalop in a happie houre, to bring them victuals, and to carrie their 
wounded men to the pinnass, wher our cheefe surgeon was, with Mr. 
Willson, being aboute 8. leagues off. Our people are all in health, (the 
Lord be praised,) and allthough they had marched in their armes all the day, 
and had been in fight all the night, yet they professed they found them 
selves so fresh as they could willingly have gone to such another bussines. 
This is the substance of that which I received, though I am forced to 
omite many considerable circomstances. So, being in much straitnes 
of time, (the ships being to departe within this 4. days, and in them the 
Lord Lee ' and Mr. Vane,) I hear breake of, and with harty saluts to, 

etc., I rest 

Yours assured. 

The 28. of the 5. month, 1637. Jo: Wintheop. 

The captains reporte we have slaine 13. sachems; but Sassacouse 
and Monotto are yet living. 

' "But they were carried to the West-Indeas." (Br.) 

' Neepnett was in Connecticut. 

' James, Lord Ley, to whose sister. Lady Margaret Ley, Milton addressed 
one of his most famous sonnets. He was the eldest son and heir of the Earl of 
Marlborough, and came to New England in June, 1637, to see the country. 
Vane, disappointed at not being re-elected governor, returned to England with 
him. The date below is July 28, 1637. 


That I may make an end of this matter: this Sassacouse 
(the Pequents cheefe sachem) being fled to the Mowhakes, 
they cutt of his head, with some other of the cheefe of them, 
whether to satisfie the English, or rather the Narigansets, 
(who, as I have since heard, hired them to doe it,) or for their 
owne advantage, I well know not; but thus this warr tooke 
end. The rest of the Pequents were wholy driven from their 
place, and some of them submitted them selves to the Narigan- 
sets, and lived under them; others of them betooke themselves 
to the Monhiggs, imder Uncass, their sachem, with the appro- 
bation of the EngUsh of Conightecutt, xmder whose protection 
Uncass lived, and he and his men had been faithful to them 
in this warr, and done them very good service. But this did 
so vexe the Narrigansetts, that they had not the whole sweay 
over them, as they have never ceased plotting and contriving 
how to bring them xmder, and because they cannot attaine 
their ends, because of the Enghsh who have protected them, 
they have sought to raise a generall conspiracie against the 
English, as will appear in an other place. 

They had now letters againe out of England from Mr. 
Andrews and Mr. Beachamp, that Mr. Sherley neither had nor 
would pay them any money, or give them any accounte, and 
so with much discontent desired them hear to send them some, 
much blaming them still, that they had sent all to Mr. Sher- 
ley, and none to them selves. Now, though they might have 
justly referred them to their former answer, and insisted ther 
upon, and some wise men counselled them so to doe, yet 
because they beleeved that they were realy out round sumes of 
money, (espetialy Mr. Andrews,) and they had some in their 
hands, they resloved to send them what bever they had.' 
Mr. Sherleys letters were to this purpose: that, as they had 
left him hi the paiment of the former bills, so he had tould them 
he would leave them in this, and beleeve it, they should find 
it true. And he was as good as his word, for they could never 

' "But staid it till the next year." (Br.) 


gett peney from him, nor bring him to any accounte, though 
Mr. Beachamp sued him in the Chancerie. But they all of 
them turned their complaints against them here, wher ther 
was least cause, and who had suffered most unjustly; first 
from Mr. Allerton and them, in being charged with so 
much of that which they never had, nor drimke for; and 
now in paying all, and more then all (as they conceived), 
and yet still thus more demanded, and that with many 
heavie charges. 'JThey now dischargedJ\Ir;_Sherley Jrom his 
agencie, and forbad ~him:~to buy or send over any more 
goods' forHhem, and prest him to come to some end about 
these things. 

Armo Dom: 1638. 

This year Mr. Thomas Prence was chosen Gov.' 
Amongst other enormities that fell out amongst them, this 
year 3. men were (after due triall) executed for robery and 
murder which they had committed; their names were these, 
Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and Richard Stinnings; ther 
was a 4., Daniel Grose, who was also guilty, but he escaped 
away, and could not be found. This Arthur Peach was the 
cheefe of them, and the ring leader of all the rest. He was a 
lustie and a desperate yonge man, and had been one of the 
souldiers in the Pequente warr, and had done as good servise 
as the most ther, and one of the forwardest in any attempte. 
And being now out of means, and loath to worke, and falling 
to idle courses and company, he intended to goe to the Dutch 
plantation; and had alured these 3., being other mens servants 
and apprentices, to goe with him. But another cause ther was 
allso of his secret going away in this maner; he was not only 
rime into debte, but he had gott a maid with child, (which was 
not known till after his death,) a mans servante in the towne, 
and fear of pimishmente made him gett away. The other 3. 
complotting with him, ranne away from their maisters in the 
night, and could not be heard of, for they went not the ordinarie 


way, but shaped such a course as they thought to avoyd the 
pursute of any. But falling into the way that lyeth betweene 
the Bay of Massachusetts and the Narrigansets, and being dis- 
posed to rest them selves, struck fire, and took tobaco, a Utle 
out of the way, by the way side. At length ther came a 
Narigansett Indean by, who had been in the Bay a trading, 
and had both cloth and beads aboute him. (They had meett 
him the day before, and he was now returning.) Peach called 
him to drinke tobaco with them, and he came and sate downe 
with them. Peach tould the other he would kill him, and take 
what he had from him. But they were some thing afraid; 
but he said, Hang him, rougue, he had killed many of them. 
So they let him alone to doe as he would; and when he saw 
his time, he tooke a rapier and rane him through the body once 
or twise, and tooke from him 5. fathume of wampam, and 3. 
coats of cloath, and wente their way, leaving him for dead. 
But he scrabled away, when they were gone, and made shift to 
gett home,) but dyed within a few days after,) by which means 
they were discovered; and by subtilty the Indeans tooke 
them. For they desiring a canow to sett them over a water, 
(not thinking their facte had been known,) by the sachems 
command they were carried to Aquidnett Hand, and ther 
accused of the murder, and were examend and comitted upon 
it by the English ther. The Indeans sent for Mr. Wilhams,' 
and made a greeveous complainte; his freinds and kinred 
were ready to rise in armes, and provock the rest therunto, 
some conceiving they should now find the Pequents words 
trew: that the Enghsh would fall upon them. But Mr. 
Williams pacified them, and tould them they should see justice 
done upon the offenders; and wente to the man, and tooke 
Mr. James, a phisition, with him. The man tould him who 
did it, and in what maner it was done ; but the phisition found 
his wounds mortall, and that he could not live, (as he after 
testified upon othe, before the jurie in oppen courte,) and so 

' Roger Williams » always trusted by the Narragansetts. 


he dyed shortly after, as both Mr. Williams, Mr. James, and 
some Indeans testified in courte. The Gov'^ in the Bay were 
aquented with it, but refferrd it hither, because it was done in 
this jurisdiction;* but pressed by all means that justice might 
be done in it; or els the coimtrie must rise and see justice 
done, otherwise it would raise a warr. Yet some of the rude 
and ignorante sorte murmured that any Enghsh should be put 
to death for the Indeans. So at last they of the iland brought 
them hither, and being often examened, and the evidence pro- 
dused, they all in the end freely confessed in effect all that the 
Indean accused them of, and that they had done it, in the 
maner afforesaid; and so, upon the forementioned evidence, 
were cast by the jurie, and condemned, and executed for the 
same. And some of the Narigansett Indeans, and of the 
parties freinds, were presente when it was done, which gave 
them and all the countrie good satisfaction.^ But it was 
la matter of much sadnes to them hear, and was the 2. exe- 
cution which they had since they came; being both for wil- 
fuU murder, as hath bene before related. Thus much of 
'this mater. 

They received this year more letters from England full of 
reneued complaints, on the one side, that they could gett no 
money nor accoxmte from Mr. Sherley ; and he againe, that he 
was pressed therto, saying he was to accoxmte with those hear, 
and not with them, etc. So, as was before resolved, if nothing 
came of their last letters, they would now send them what 
they could, as supposing, when some good parte was payed 
them, that Mr. Sherley and they would more easily agree aboute 
the remainder. 

So they sent to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp, by Mr. 
Joseph Yonge, in the Mary and Anne, 1325K. waight of beaver, 
devided betweene them. Mr. Beachamp returned an accounte 

' "And yet afterwards they laid claime to those parts in the controversie 
about Seacunk." (Br.) 

'The execution probably took place on the hill between Murdock's PQad 
and Samoset Street, which was at an early date called Gallows Hill, 


of his moyety, that he made AOOli. starhng of it, fraight and all 
charges paid. But Mr. Andrews, though he had the more and 
beter parte, yet he made not so much of his, through his owne 
indiscretion; and yet turned the loss* upon them hear, but 
without cause. 

They sent them more by bills and other paimente, which 
was received and acknowledged by them, in money ^ and the 
like; which was for katle sould of Mr. Allertons, and the price 
of a bark sold, which belonged to the stock, and made over to 
them in money, 434K. sterling. The whole siune was 1234K. 
sterling, save what Mr. Andrews lost in the beaver, which was 
otherwise made good. But yet this did not stay their clamors, 
as will apeare here after more at large. 

Itplease d God, in these times, so to blesse the cuntry with 
such access and confluance of people into it, as it was therby 
much inriched, and catle of all kinds stood at a high rate for 
diverce years together. Kine were sould at 20li. and some 
at 25li. a peece, yea, some times at 28li. A cow-calfe usually 
at lOli. A milch goate at Bli. and some at 4K. And femall 
kids at 30s. and often at 40s. a peece. By which means the 
anciente planters which had any stock begane to grow in their 
estats. Come also wente at a round rate, viz. 6s. a bushell. 
So as other trading begane to be neglected; and the old 
partners (having now forbidded Mr. Sherley to send them any 
more goods) broke of their trade at Kenebeck, and, as things 
stood, would follow it no longer. But some of them, (with 
other they joyned with,) beuig loath it should be lost by dis- 
continuance, agreed with the company for it, and gave them 
aboute the 6. parte of their gaines for it; with the first fruits 
of which they builte a house for a prison;' and the trade ther 
hath been since continued, to the great benefite of the place; 
for some well fore-sawe that these high prises of corne and 

' "Being about 40li." (Br.) 
' "And devided betweene them." (Br.) 

^ This prison was built in Summer Street, where the brook long called Prison 
Brook crosses the street. 


catle would not long continue, and that then the commodities 
ther raised would be much missed. 

This year, aboute the 1. or 2. of June, was a great and 
fearfuU earthquake; it was in this place heard before it was 
felte. It came with a rumbling noyse, or low murmure, Uke 
unto remoate thunder; it came from the norward, and pased 
southward. As the noyse aproched nerer, they earth begane 
to shake, and came at length with that violence as caused 
platters, dishes, and such like things as stoode upon shelves, 
to clatter and fall downe ; yea, persons were afraid of the houses 
themselves. It so fell oute that at the same time diverse of 
the cheefe of this towne Js^ereXmett together at one house, 
conferring with some of^tKeif^ ireinds that were upon their 
jcepovall from the place,; ((as if the Lord^wquldjierby^shewthe- 
si^nes of his displeasure. . in ^eir_^aking a peeces and re- 
moyalls one from an other.) How ever it was very terrible 
for the time, and as the men were set talking in the house, some 
women and others were without the dores, and the earth shooke 
with that violence as they could not stand without catching 
hould of the posts and pails that stood next them; but the 
violence lasted not long. And about halfe an hower, or less, 
came an other noyse and shaking, but nether so loud nor strong 
as the former, but quickly passed over; and so it ceased. It 
was not only on the sea coast, but the Indeans felt it within 
land; and some ships that were upon the coast were shaken 
by it. So po werfull is the mighty hand of the Lord, as to 
make both the earth and s^a%r sli^ke, and Ifa e- mountain es to 
tremble before him, when he pleas^; and who can stay his 
hand? It was observed -that the somniers-,--forTliveTs years 
togeather after this earthquake, were not so hotte and season- 
able for the ripning of corne and other fruits as formerly; but 
more could and moyst, and subjecte to'erly and untimly frosts, 
by which, many times, much Indean come came not to maturi- 
tie; but whether this was any cause, I leave it to naturallists 
Ito judge. 


Anno Dom: 1639. and Anno Dom: 1640. 

These 2. yeajs_Ijfl3ais_togeather, because in them fell not 
lynbhin gs more then the or dinary 
commqne affaires, -whii^ arejaQjj3££ai[un to beloucKgd: — Those 
of this plantation having at sundrie times~granted lands for 
severall townships, and amongst the rest to the inhabitants of 
Sityate,^ some wherof issewed from them selves, and allso a 
large tracte of land was given to their 4. London partners in 
that place, viz. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beacham, Mr. Andrews, and 
Mr. Hatherley. At Mr. Hatherley's request and choys it was 
by him taken for him selfe and them in that place; for the 
other 3. had invested him with power and trust to chose for 
them. And this tracte of land extended, to their utmoste 
limets that way, and bordered on their neigbours of the Massa- 
chusets, who had some years after seated a towne (called 
Hingam) on their lands next to these parts. So as now ther 
grue great differance betweene these 2. townships, about their 
bounds, and some meadow grownds that lay betweene them. 
They of Hingam presumed to alotte parte of them to their 
people, and measure and stack them out. The other pulled 
up their stacks, and threw them. So it grew to a controversie 
betweene the 2. goverments, and many letters and passages 
were betweene them aboute it ; and it hunge some 2. years in 
suspense. The Courte of Massachusets appointed some to 
range their Hne according to the bounds of their patente, and 
(as they wente to worke) they made it to take in all 
Sityate, and I know not how much more. Againe, on the 
other hand, according to the line of the patente of this 
place,^ it would take in Hingame and much more within 
their bounds. 

In the end boath Courts agreed to chose 2. comissioners 
of each side, and to give them full and absolute power to agree 
and setle the bounds betwene them; and what they should doe 

' Scituate, Mass. ' The Plymouth patent of January 13, 1629/30. 


in the case should stand irrevocably. One meeting they had at 
Hingam, but could not conclude; for their comissioners stoode 
stiffly on a clawes in their graunte, That from Charles-river, 
or any branch or parte therof, they were to extend then- hmits, 
and 3. myles further to the southward; or from the most 
southward parte of the Massachusets Bay, and 3. mile further.' 
But they chose to stand on the former termes, for they had 
found a smale river, or brooke rather, that a great way with in 
land trended southward, and issued into some part of that river 
taken to be Charles-river, and from the most southerly part 
of this, and 3. mile more southward of the same, they would 
rune a hue east to the sea, aboute 20. mile; which will (say 
they) take in a part of Phmoth itselfe. Now it is to be knowne 
that though this patente and plantation were much the an- 
cienter, yet this inlargemente of the same (in which Sityate 
stood) was granted after theirs, and so theirs were first to take 
place, before this mlargmente. Now their answer was, first, 
that, however according to their owne plan, they could noway 
come upon any part of their ancieante grante. 2^^. They 
could never prove that to be a parte of Charles-river, for they 
knew not which was Charles-river, but as the people of this 
place, which came first, imposed such a name upon that river, 
upon which, since, Charles-towne is builte (supposing that was 
it, which Captaine Smith in his mapp so named) .^ Now they 
that first named it have best reason to know it, and to explaine 
which is it. But they only tooke it to be Charles river, as fare 
as it was by them navigated, and that was as farr as a boate 
could goe. But that every runlett or small brooke, that 
should, farr within land, come into it, or mixe their stremes 
with it, and were by the natives called by other and differente 
names from it, should now by them be made Charles-river, 

' The Massachusetts patent defined the southern boundary of that colony 
as "three English myles on the south part of the saide river called Charles river, 
or of any or every parte thereof," and three south of "the southermost parte of 
the said baye called Massachusettes bay." 

' See the reproduction of the map, in this volume. 


or parts of it, they saw no reason for it. And gave instance in 
Huinber, in Old England, which had the Trente, Ouse, and 
many others of lesser note fell into it, and yet were not counted 
parts of it; and many smaler rivers and broks fell into the 
Trente, and Ouse, and no parts of them, but had nams aparte, 
and divisions and nominations of them selves. Againe, it was 
pleaded that they had no east line in their patente, but were 
to begine at the sea, and goe west by a line, etc. At this meet- 
ing no conclution was made, but things discussed and well 
prepared for an issue. The next year the same commissioners 
had their power continued or renewed, and mett at Sityate, 
and concluded the mater, as foUoweth. 

The agreemente of the bounds beiivixte Plimoih and Massachusetts. 

Wheras ther were tow comissiones granted by the 2. jurisdictions, 
the one of Massachsets Govermente, granted unto John Endecott, gent: 
and Israeli Stoughton, gent: the other of New-Plimoth Govennente, to 
William Bradford, Gov^ and Edward Winslow, gent: and both these 
for the setting out, setling, and determining of the bounds and limitts 
of the lands betweene the said jurisdictions, wherby not only this presente 
age, but the posteritie to come may live peaceably and quietly in that be- 
halfe. And for as much as the said comissioners on both sids have full 
power so to doe, as appeareth by the records of both jurisdictions; we 
therfore, the said comissioners above named, doe hearby with one consente 
and agreemente conclude, detirmine, and by these presents declare, that 
all the marshes at Conahasett that lye of the one side of the river next to 
Hingam, shall belong to the jurisdition of Massachusetts Plantation; 
and all the marshes that lye on the other side of the river next to Sityate, 
shall be long to the jurisdiction of New-Plimoth; excepting 60. acers of 
marsh at the mouth of the river, on Sityate side next to the sea, which we 
doe herby agree, conclude, and detirmine shall belong to the jurisdition 
of Massachusetts. And further, we doe hearby agree, determine, and 
conclude, that the bounds of the limites betweene both the said jurisditions 
are as followeth, viz. from the mouth of the brook that runeth into 
Chonahasett marches (which we call by the name of Bound-brooke) 
with a stright and directe line to the midle of a great ponde, that lyeth 
on the right hand of the uper path, or commone way, that leadeth betweene 
Waimoth and Plimoth, close to the path as we goe alonge, which was 


formerly named (and still we desire may be caled) Accord pond/ lying 
aboute five or 6. myles from Weimoth southerley; and from thence with 
a straight line to the souther-most part of Charles-river, and 3. miles 
southerly, inward into the countrie, according as is expresed in the 
patente granted by his Ma*'® to the Company of the Massachusetts Plan- 
tation. Provided allways and never the less concluded and determined 
by mutuall agreemente betweene the said comissioners, that if it fall out 
that the said line from Accord-pond to the sothermost parte of Charles- 
river, and 3. myles southerly as is before expresed, straiten or hinder any 
parte of any plantation begune by the Gove"^ of New-Plimoth, or here- 
after to be begune within 10. years after the date of these ps"*^, that then, 
notwithstanding the said line, it shall be lawfull for the said Gov^ of 
New-Plimoth to assume on the northerly side of the said line, wher it 
shall so intrench as afforesaid, so much land as will make up the quantity 
of eight miles square, to belong to every shuch plantation begune, or to 
[be] begune as afforesaid; which we agree, determine, and conclude to 
appertaine and belong to the said Gov"^ of New-Plimoth. And wheras 
the said line, from the said brooke which runeth into Choahassett salt- 
marshes, called by us Bound-brooke, and the pond called Accord-pond, 
lyeth nere the lands belonging to the tounships of Sityate and Hingam, 
we doe therfore hereby determine and conclude, that if any devissions 
allready made and recorded, by either the said townships, doe crose the 
said line, that then it shall stand, and be of force according to the former 
intents and purposes of the said townes granting them (the marshes 
formerly agreed on exepted). And that no towne in either jurisdiction 
shall hereafter exceede, but containe them selves within the said hnes 
expressed. In witnes wherof we, the comissioners of both jurisdictions, 
doe by these presents indented set our hands and scales the ninth day of 
the 4. month in 16. year of our soveraine lord, king Charles; and in 
the year of our Lord, 1640. 

William Beadford, Gov''. Jo: Endecott. 

Ed: Winslow. Iseaell Stoughton. 

Wheras the patente ^ was taken in the name of William 
Bradford, (as in trust,) and rane in these termes: To him, 

' Accord Pond, three-quarters of a mile long, lies in the towns of Hingham, 
Rockland and Norwell, and derives its name from a treaty made before 1640 
between the Indians and the settlers, the parties meeting in the winter on the 
frozen pond to make it. 

' Meaning the patent of January 13, 1629/30, from the Council for New 


his heires, and associates and assignes; and now the noumber 
of free-men being much increased, and diverce tounships es- 
tablished and setled in several! quarters of the govermente, 
as Phmoth, Duxberie, Sityate, Tanton, Sandwich, Yarmouth, 
Barnstable, Marchfeeld, and not longe after, Seacunke (called 
afterward, at the desire of the inhabitants, Rehoboth) and 
Nawsett, it was by the Courte desired that William Bradford 
should make a surrender of the same into their hands. The 
which he willingly did, in this maner following. 

Wheras William Bradford, and diverce others the first instruments 
of God in the beginning of this great work of plantation, togeather with 
such as the allordering hand of God in his providence soone added unto 
them, have been at very great charges to procure the lands, priviledges, 
and freedoms from all intanglments, as may appeare by diverse and 
sundrie deeds, inlargments of grants, purchases, and payments of debts, 
etc., by reason wherof the title to the day of these presents remaineth in 
the said William Bradford, his heires, associats, and assignes: now, for 
the better setling of the estate of the said lands (contained in the grant or 
pattente), the said William Bradford, and those first instruments termed 
and called in sondry orders upon publick recorde. The Purchasers, or 
Old comers; witnes 2. in spetiall, the one bearing date the 3. of March, 
1639. the other in Des: the 1. An° 1640. wherunto these presents have 
spetiall relation and agreemente, and wherby they are distinguished from 
other the freemen and inhabitants of the said corporation. Be it knowne 
unto all men, therfore, by these presents, that the said William Bradford, 
for him selfe, his heires, together with the said purchasers, doe only re- 
serve unto them selves, their heires, and assignes those 3. tractes of land 
mentioned in the said resolution, order, and agreemente, bearing date the 
first of Des: 1640. viz. first, from the bounds of Yarmouth, 3. miles to the 
eastward of Naemschatet,' and from sea to sea, crose the neck of land. 
The 2. of a place called Acoughcouss, which lyeth in the botome of the 
bay adjoyning to the west-side of Pointe Perill, and 2. myles to the westerne 

' Naemschatet is the same as Naumskachett, referred to in the note on page 
220; the reserved tract No. 1, in which it is mentioned, included the present 
townships of Eastham, Orleans, Brewster and probably Harwich and Chatham. 
The second reserved tracty in which Acoughcouss, Acushente and Nacata are 
mentioned, included the modern towns of Acushnet, New Bedford and Dart- 
mouth. The third reserved tract, in which Sowansett and Cawsumsett are 
mentioned, included Swansea and Rehoboth, Massachusetts, and Barrington, 
Rhode Island. 


side of the said river, to an other place called Acushente river, which 
entereth at the westerne end of Nacata, and 2. miles to the eastward 
therof, and to extend 8. myles up into the eountrie. The 3. place, from 
Sowansett river to Patucket river, (with Cawsumsett neck,) which is the 
cheefe habitation of the Indeans, and reserved for them to dwell upon,) 
extending into the land 8. myles through the whole breadth therof. To- 
geather with such other small parcells of lands as they or any of them are 
personally possessed of or intressed in, by vertue of any former titles or 
grante whatsoever. And the said William Bradford doth, by the free 
and full consente, approbation, and agreemente of the said old-planters, 
or purchasers, together with the liking, approbation, and acceptation of 
the other parte of the said corporation, surrender into the hands of the 
whole courte, consisting of the free-men of this corporation of New- 
Plimoth, all that other right and title, power, authority, priviledges, immu- 
nities, and freedomes granted in the said letters patents by the said right 
Honb'® Counsell for New-England; reserveing his and their personall 
right of freemen, together with the said old planters afforesaid, excepte 
the said lands before excepted, declaring the freemen of this corporation, 
togeather with all such as shal be legally admitted into the same, his 
associats. And the said William Bradford, for him, his heiers, and as- 
signes, doe hereby further promise and grant to doe and performe what- 
soever further thing or things, acte or actes, which in him lyeth, which 
shall be needfull and expediente for the better confirming and establishing 
the said premises, as by counsel lerned in the lawes shall be reasonably 
advised and devised, when he shall be ther unto required. In witness 
wherof, the said William Bradford hath in publick courte surrendered the 
said letters patents actually into the hands and power of the said courte, 
binding him selfe, his heires, executors, administrators, and assignes to 
deliver up whatsoever spetialties are in his hands that doe or may concerne 
the same. 

In these 2. years they had siindry letters out of England to 
send one over to end the bmssines ajid_aii£Qiial£_JBsdthr-Mii__ 
Sherley j^ ho now p rofgssedjhie couMnot_ make up his aTO mnits- 
-withSut the help of sonaejrom hence, e spetialy Mr. Winslows.^ ^ 
Thejr had serrous'tEoughts of it, and the most parte of the 
partners hear thought it best to send; but they had formerly 
written such bitter and threatening letters as Mr. Winslow 
was neither willing to goe, nor that any other of the partners 
should; for he was perswaded, if any of them wente, they 


should be arested, and an action of such a summe layed upon 
them as they should not procure baele, but must lye in prison, 
and then they would bring them to what they liste ; or other 
wise they might be brought into trouble by the arch-bishops 
means, as the times then stood. But, notwithstanding, they 
wear much mcUned to send, and Captaine Standish was willing 
to goe, but they resolved, seeing they could not all agree in this 
thing, and that it was waighty, and the consequence might 
prove dangerous, to take Mr. Winthrops advise in the thing, 
and the rather, because Mr. Andrews had by many letters 
acquaynted him with the differences betweene them, and ap- 
poynted him for his assigne to receive his parte of the debte. 
(And though they deneyed to pay him any as a debte, till the 
controversie was ended, yet they had deposited llOli. in money 
in his hands for Mr. Andrews, to pay to him in parte as soone 
as he would come to any agreement with the rest.) But Mr. 
Winthrop was of Mr. Winslows minde, and disswaded them 
from sending ; so they broak of their resolution from sending, 
and returned this answer: that the times were dangerous as 
things stood with them, for they knew how Mr. Winslow had 
suffered f ormerley, and for a small matter was clapte up in the 
Fleete, and it was long before he could gett out, to both his and 
their great loss and damage; and times were not better, but 
worse, in that respecte. Yet, that their equall and honest 
minds might appeare to all men, they made them this tender: 
to refferr the case to some gentle-men and marchants in the Bay 
of the Massachusetts, such as they should chuse, and were well 
knowne unto them selves, (as they perceived their wer many 
of then- aquaintance and freinds ther, better knowne to them 
then the partners hear,) and let them be informed in the case 
by both sids, and have all the evidence that could be prodused, 
in writing, or other wise; and they would be bound to stand 
to their determination, and make good their award, though 
it should cost them all they had in the world. But this did not 
please them, feut they were offended at it, without any great 


reasone for ought I know, (seeing nether side could give in clear 
accountes, the partners here could not, by reason they (to their 
smarte) were failed by the accountante they sent them, and 
Mr. Sherley pretened he could not allso,) save as they con- 
ceived it a disparagmente to yeeld to their inferiours in re- 
specte of the place and other concurring circomstances. So 
this came to nothing; and afterward Mr. Sherley write, that 
if Mr. Winslow would mett him in France, the Low-Countries, 
or Scotland, let the place be knowne, and he come to him ther. 
But in regard of the troubles that now begane to arise in our 
owne nation, and other reasons, this did not come to any 
effecte. That which made them so desirous to bring things to 
an end was partly to stope the clamours and aspertions raised 
and cast upon them hereaboute ; though they conceived them 
selves to sustaine the greatest wrong, and had most cause of 
complainte; and partly because they feared the fall of catle, 
in which most parte of their estats lay. And this was not a 
vaine feare; for they fell indeede before they came to a con- 
clusion, and that so souddanly, as a cowe that but a month 
before was worth 20li., and would so have passed in any 
paymente, fell now to 5li. and would yeeld no more; and a 
goate that wente at Sli. or 50s. would now yeeld but 8. or 10s. 
at most. All men feared a fall of catle, but it was thought it 
would be by degrees; and not to be from the highest pitch at 
once to the lowest, as it did, which was greatly to the damage 
of many, and the undoing of some. An other reason was, 
they many of them grew aged, (and indeed a rare thing it was 
that so many partners should all hve together so many years 
as these did,) and saw many changes were like to befall; so 
as they were loath to leave these intanglments upon their 
children and posteritie, who might be driven to remove places, 
as they had done ; yea, them selves might doe it yet before they 
dyed. But this bussines must yet rest; the next year gave 
it more ripnes, though it rendred them'lesTaftte Lu pay, for 
the reasons ^TformHT""^ •■ 


Anno Dom: 1641. 

Mr. Sheroiy being weary of this controversie, and de- 
sirous of an end, (as well as them selves,) write to Mr. John 
Atwode and Mr. William Collier, 2. of the inhabitants of this 
place, and of his speatiall aquaintance, and desired them 
to be a means to bring this bussines to an end, by advis- 
ing and counselling the partners hear, by some way to 
bring it to a composition, by mutuall agreemente. And 
he write to them selves allso to that end, as by his letter 
may apear; so much therof as concemse the same I shall 
hear relate. 

Sr. My love remembered, etc. I have writte so much concerning 
the ending of accounts betweexte us, as I profess I know not what more 
to write, etc. If you desire an end, as you seeme to doe, ther is (as I 
conceive) but 2. waise; that is, to parfecte all accounts, from the first to 
the last, etc. Now if ,we Jnd.thi,s__difficulte, and tedious, haveing not been 
so stri.cte-and_caxe£ii]l_as ,;sye, ghoul d. and eught£to_hav£^don£,jaa^ 
owne parte I doe confess I have been somewhat to remisse, and doe 
verily thinke^gojaEevou, etcn fear yotTcafi "liever make a perfecte ac- 
counte of all your pety viages, out, and home too and againe, etc.^ So 
then the second way must be, by biding, or compounding; and this way, 
first or last, we must fall upon, etc. If we must warr at law for it, doe 
not you expecte from me, nether will I from you, but to cleave the heare, 
and then I dare say the lawyers will be most gainers, etc. Thus let us 
set to the worke, one way or other, and end, that I may not allways suffer 
in my name and estate. And you are not free; nay, the gospell suffers 
by your delaying, and causeth the professors of it to be hardly spoken of, 
that you, being many, and now able, should combine and joyne togeather 
to oppress and burden me, etc. Fear not to make a faire and reasonable 
offer; beleeve me, I will never take any advantage to plead it against you, 
or to wrong you; or else let Mr. Winslow come over, and let him have 
such full power and authority as we may ende by compounding; or else, 
the accounts so well and fully made up, as we may end by reconing. 
Now, blesed be God, the times be much changed here, I hope to see many 
of you returne to your native countrie againe, and have such freedome 

' "This was but to pretend advantage, for it could not be done, neither did 
it need." (Br.) - 


and libertie as the word of God prescribs. Our bishops were never so 
near a downfall as now;' God hath miraculously confounded them, and 
turned all their popish and Machavillian plots and projects on their owne 
heads, etc. Thus you see what is fitt to be done concerning our per- 
ticulere greevances. I pray you take it seriously into consideration; let 
each give way a litle that we may meete, etc. Be you and all yours kindly 
saluted, etc. So I ever rest, 

Your loving friend, 

James Sherlet. 
Clapham, May 18. 1641. 

Being thus by this leter, and allso by Mr. Atwodes and Mr. 
Colliers mediation urged to bring things to an end, (and the 
continuall clamors from the rest,) and by none more urged 
then by their own desires, they tooke this course (because many 
scandals had been raised upon them). They apoynted these 
2. men before mentioned to meet on a certaine day, and called 
some other freinds on both sids, and Mr. Free-man, brother in 
law to Mr. Beachamp, and having drawne up a collection of all 
the remains of the stock, in what soever it was, as housing, 
boats, bark, and all implements belonging to the same, as they 
were used in the time of the trad, were they better or worce, 
with the remaines of all commodities, as beads, knives, 
hatchetts, cloth, or any thing els, as well the refuse as the more 
vendible, with all debts, as well those that were desperate as 
others more hopefull; and having spent diverce days to bring 
this to pass, having the helpe of all bookes and papers, which 
either any of them selves had, or Josias Winslow, who was their 
accountante; and they found the sume in all to arise (as the 
things were valued) to aboute 1400K. And they all of them 
tooke a voluntary but a soUem oath, in the presence one of an 
other, and of all their frends, the persons abovesaid that were 
now presente, that this was all that any of them knew of, or 
could remember; and Josias Winslow did the hke for his parte. 

' Strafford had been beheaded on May 12; a bill for the complete abolition 
of episcopacy was read in the Commons on May 27; the act abolishing the Court 
of High Commission was signed in July. 

I V 


But the truth is they wronged them selves much in the valua- 
tion, for they reconed some catle as they were taken of Mr. 
Allerton, as for instance a cowe in the hands of one cost 25li. 
and so she was valued in this accounte; but when she came to 
be past away in parte of paymente, after the agreemente, she 
would be accepted but at 4J,i. 15s. Also, being tender of their 
oaths, they brought in all they knew owing to the stock; but 
they had not made the Uke diligente search what the stocke 
might owe to any, so as many scattering debts fell upon after- | \ 
wards more then now they knew of. 

Upon this they drew certaine articles of agreemente be- 
tweene Mr Atwode, on Mr. Sherleys behalfe, and them selves. 
The effecte is as foUoeth. 

Articles of agreemente made and concluded upon the 15. day of October, 

1641. etc. 

ImO; Wheras ther was a partnership for diverce years agreed upon 
betweene James Sherley, John Beacham, and Richard Andrews, of Lon- 
don, marehants, and William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas 
Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Aldon, and John 
Howland, with Isaack Allerton, in a trade of beaver skines and other 
furrs arising in New-England; the terme of which said partnership being 
expired, and diverse summes of money in goods adventured into New- 
England by the said James Sherley, John Beachamp, and Richard 
Andrews, and many large retumes made from New-England by the said 
William Bradford, Ed: Winslow, etc.; and differance arising aboute the 
charge of 2. ships, the one called the White Angele, of Bristow, and the 
other the Frindship, of Barnstable, and a viage intended in her, etc.; 
which said ships and their viages, the said William Bradford, Ed: W. etc. 
conceive doe not at all appertaine to their accounts of partnership; and 
weras the accounts of the said partnership are found to be confused, and 
cannot orderley appeare (through the defaulte of Josias Winslow, the 
booke keeper); and weras the said W. B. etc. have received all their 
goods for the said trade from the foresaid James Sherley, and have made 
most of their retumes to him, by consente of the said John Beachamp and 
Richard Andrews; and wheras also the said James Sherley hath given 
power and authoritie to Mr. John Atwode, with the advice and consente 
of William Collier, of Duxborow, for and on his behalfe, to put such an 


absolute end to the said partnership, with all and every accounts, recon- 
ings, dues, claimes, demands, whatsoever, to the said James Sherley, 
John Beaeham, and Richard Andrews, from the said W. B. etc. for and 
concerning the said beaver trade, and also the charge the said 2. ships, and 
their viages made or pretended, whether just or unjuste, from the worlds 
begining to this presente, as also for the paimente of a purchas of ISOOli. 
made by Isaack Allerton, for and on the behalfe of the said W. B., Ed: 
W., etc., and of the joynt stock, shares, lands, and adventurs, what soever 
in New-England aforesaid, as apeareth by a deede bearing date the 6. 
Nov'"'. 1627; and also for and from such sume and sumes of money or 
goods as are received by William Bradford, Tho: Prence, and Myles 
Standish, for the recovery of dues, by accounts betwexte them, the said 
James Sherly, John Beachamp, and Richard Andrews, and Isaack 
Allerton, for the ship caled the White Angell. Now the said John Att- 
wode, with advice and counsell of the said William Collier, having had 
much comunieation and spente diverse days in agitation of all the said 
diflerances and accounts with the said W. B., E. W., etc; and the said 
W. B., E. W., etc. have also, with the said book-keeper spente much time 
in collecting and gathering togeither the remainder of the stock of partner- 
ship for the said trade, and what soever hath beene received, or is due by 
the said attorneyship before expresed, and all, and all manner of goods, 
debts, and dues therunto belonging, as well those debts that are weake 
and doubtful! and desperate, as those that are more secure, which in all 
doe amounte to the sume of 1400/i. or ther aboute; and for more full 
satisfaction of the said James Sherley, John Beachamp, and Richard 
Andrews, the said W. B. and all the rest of the abovesaid partners, to- 
geither with Josias Winslow the booke keeper, have taken a voluntarie 
oath, that within the said sume of 1400Zi. or theraboute, is contained 
whatsoever they knew, to the utmost of their rememberance. 

In consideration of all which matters and things before expressed, and 
to the end that a full, absolute, and finall end may be now made, and all 
suits in law may be avoyded, and love and peace continued, it is therfore 
agreed and concluded betweene the said John Attwode, with the advice 
and consent of the said William Colier, for and on the behalfe of the said 
James Sherley, to and with the said W. B., etc. in maner and forme fol- 
lowing : viz. that the said John Attwode shall procure a sufficiente release 
and discharge, under the hands and seals of the said James Sherley, John 
Beachamp, and Richard Andrews, to be delivered fayer and unconcealed 
unto the said William Bradford, etc., at or before the last day of August, 
next insuing the date hereof, whereby the said William Bradford etc., 
their heires, executors, and administrators, and every of them shall be 


fully and absolutely aquited and discharged of all actions, suits, reconings, 
accounts, claimes, and demands whatsoever concerning the generall stock 
of beaver trade, paymente of the said 1800/i. for the purchass, and all 
demands, reckonings, and accounts, just or unjuste, concerning the tow 
ships White-Angell and Frendship aforesaid, togeather with whatsoever 
hath been received by the said William Bradford, of the goods or 
estate of Isaack Allerton, for satisfaction of the accounts of the said 
ship called the Whit Angele, by vertue of a ire of attourney to him, 
Thomas Prence, and Myles Standish, directed from the said James 
Sherley, John Beachamp, and Richard Andrews, for that purpose as 

It is also agreed and concluded upon betweene the said parties to these 
presents, that the said W. B., E. W., etc. shall now be bound in 2400/i. 
for paymente of 1200^i. in full satisfaction of all demands as afforesaid; 
to be payed in maner and forme following; that is to say, iOOli. within 2. 
months next after the receite of the aforesaid releases and discharges, one 
hundred and ten pounds wherof is allready in the hands of John Winthrop 
senior of Boston, Esquire, by the means of Mr. Richard Andrews affore- 
said, and soli, waight of beaver now deposited into the hands of the said 
John Attwode, to be both in part of paimente of the said 4:00li. and the 
other SOO^t. to be payed by 200li. p"" annume, to such assignes as shall be 
appointed, inhabiting either in Plimoth or Massachusetts Bay, in such 
goods and comodities, and at such rates, as the countrie shall afford at the 
time of delivery and paymente; and in the mean time the said bond of 
2400^1. to be deposited into the hands of the said John Attwode. And 
it is agreed upon by and betweene the said parties to these presents, that 
if the said John Attwode shall not or cannot procure such said releases 
and discharges as afforesaid from the said James Sherley, JohnBachamp, 
and Richard Andrews, at or before the last day of August next insuing 
the date hear of, that then the said John Attwode shall, at the said day pre- 
cisely, redeliver, or cause to be delivered unto the said W. B., E. W., etc. 
their said bond of 2400Zi. and the said SOU. waight of beaver, or the due 
valew therof, without any fraud or further delay; and for performance of 
all and singuler the covenants and agreements hearin contained and ex- 
pressed, which on the one parte and behalfe of the said James Sherley are 
to be observed and performed, shall become bound in the summe of 2400Zi. 
to them, the said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, 
Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Rowland. 
And it is lastly agreed upon betweene the said parties, that these presents 
shall be left in trust, to be kepte for boath parties, in the hands of Mr. 
John Reanour, teacher of Plimoth. In witnes wherof, all the said parties 


have hereunto severally sett their hands, the day and year first above 

John Atwode, William Beadfokd, Edwaed Winslow, etc. 
In the presence of Edmond Freeman, 

William Thomas, 

William Pady, 

Nathaniell Souther. 

The nexte year this long and tedious bussines came to some 
issue, as will then appeare, though not to a finall ende with all 
the parties ; but this much for the presente. 

I had forgoten to inserte in its place how the church here 
had invited and sent for Mr. Charles Chansey/ a reverend, 
godly, and very lamed man, intending upon triall to chose 
him pastor of the chiu-ch hear, for the more comfortable per- 
formance of the ministrie with Mr. John Reinor, the teacher 
of the same. But ther fell out some differance aboute baptis- 
ing, he holding it ought only to be by diping, and putting the 
whole body under water, and that sprinkling was unlawfuU. 
The church yeelded that immersion, or dipping, was lawfull, 
but in this could countrie not so conveniente. But they could 
not nor durst not yeeld to him in this, that sprinkling (which 
all the churches of Christ doe for the most parte use at this day) 
was unlawfull, and an hmnane invention, as the same was 
prest; but they were wilhng to yeeld to him as far as they 
could, and to the utmost; and were contented to suffer him 
to practise as he was perswaded ; and when he came to minister 
that ordnance, he might so doe it to any that did desire it in 
that way, provided he could peacably suffer Mr. Reinor, and 
such as desired to have theirs otherwise baptised by him, by 
sprinkling or powering on of water upon them ; so as ther might 

'"Mr. Chancey came to them in the year 1638. and staid till the later part 
of this year 1641." (Br.) Rev. Charles Chauncy was born in Yardley, Eng- 
land, in 1592, was educated at Westminster School, and took his degree at Cam- 
bridge in 1613. He was vicar of Ware from 1627 to 1634, was deprived of his 
living by Archbishop Laud, and in 1637 came to New England. Settled in 
Plymouth in 1638, he remained there until 1641, when he was settled in Scituate. 
In 1654 he was chosen president of Harvard College and continued in office 
until his death in 1672. 


be no disturbance in the church hereaboute. But he said he 
could not yeeld herunto. Upon which the church procured 
some other ministers to dispute the pointe with him pubhkly ; 
as Mr. Ralfe Partrich, of Duxberie, who did it simdrie times, 
very ablie and sufScently, as allso some other ministers within 
this govermente. But he was not satisfied; so the church 
sent to many other churches to crave their help and advise in 
this mater, and, with his will and consente, sent them his 
arguments writen imder his owne hand. They sente them to 
the church at Boston in the Bay of Massachusets, to be comu- 
nicated with other churches ther. Also they sent the same 
to the churches of Conightecutt and New-Haven, with sundrie 
others; and received very able and sufficient answers, as they 
conceived, from them and their larned ministers, who all con- 
cluded against him. But him selfe was not satisfied therwith. 
Their answers are too large hear to relate. They conceived the 
church had done what was meete in the thing, so Mr. Chansey, 
having been the most parte of 3. years here, removed him selfe 
to Sityate, wher he now remaines a minister to the church ther. 
Also about these times, now that catle and other things begane 
greatly to fall from their former rates, and persons begane to 
fall into more straits, and many being alheady gone from them, 
(as is noted before,) both to Duxberie, Marshfeeld, and other 
places, and those of the cheefe sorte, as Mr. Winslow, Captaine 
Standish, Mr. Allden, and many other, and stille some dropping 
away daly, and some at this time, and many more xmsetled, 
it did greatly weaken the place, and by reason of the straitnes 
and barrennes of the place, it sett the thoughts of many upon 
removeall; as will appere more hereafter. 

Anno Dom: 1642. 

Maevilous it rnay be to see and consider jiow som ekjnd- 
of wi^dnes did^EQwlajBjbre^ wher 

~"niieiajmej¥±n£sy^ so narrowly looked^ 

unto, and severly punished when it was knowne; as in no place 


moje^F-se-muehrthaJLl-havalmovm OT of; insomuch as 

they have been somewhat censured, even bymoderate^aSS"" 
good men, for their severitie in pimishments. -Aii:d.~yet__an 
this couW not_sugprgsfi,±he JDxeakiag., out of snndrie nntnrimis 
sins, (as this year, besids other, gives us too many sad presidents 
and instances,) espfit,ial1y-dr-H-rh]^nfteR---im4--UJi cla,innes : n nt 
only incontinencie betweene persons iinmaried, for which man y 
both men and womert have been punished sharplv enough, bu t 
some maried persons allso. __,But that which is worse, even 
Sodonue and bugerie, (things fp.arfn11 in nainp,) hayP brnaV , 
forth jn this land, oftener then once. I say it may justly be 
marveled at, and cause us to fear and tremble at the considera- 
tion of our corrupte natures, which are so hardly bridled, sub- 
dued, and mortified; nay, cannot by any other means but the 
powerfuU worke and grace of Gods spirite. But (besids this) 
on£j:eason_may_be;_that th^ Dive ll may carrie a greatCTspite 
against .the-&h*ifches- of Chgist-aad-4he-fies^eH-bea£j iy how 
much the more they indeaour to preserve holynesancLguritie 
amongst them, and strictly pimisheth the contrary when it 
ariseth either in church or comone wealth; that Tie might^ st 
a blemishe and staine upon them in the eyes of [the] JW-erld, 
who use to be rash in judgmente. I would rather thinke thus, 
then that Satane hath more power in these heathen lands, as 
som have thought, then in more Christian nations, espetiaUy 
over Gods servants in them. 

2. An other reason m ay be, that it may be in this case 
as it is with waters whentheir streames jjest oppeg~or _dainme3~ 
up, when they gett passageThey flow with more violence, and 
make more iioys and disturbance, then ^Hen_.lJieyLaniJiu£fered 
to rune quietly in their owne chanels. .Bo wikednes being here 
more stopped by strict laws,' and the same more nerly looked 
imto, so as it cannot rune in a comone road of hberty as it 
would, and is inclined, it searches every wher, and at last 
breaks out wher it getts vente. 

3. A third reason may be, hear (as I am verily perswaded) 


is_.not^more evills in this kind, nor nothing nere so many by 
proportion j as in other places; but they are here more dis- 
coverd and~seen7 and inade^ pubhck~by^ue~sCT"cK71riquisrEion, 
aria"^ue:pm5tsbEglltJ_for^he chilfch^-toDke-TKnTowl-jrtatheir 
members, and the magistrats over all, more strictly then in 
other places. Besid Sj here the ^ people are but few in com- 
parison of otherjglace§,jHdu£lxaxa]^I3^^ lye 
hid, as it were, in a wood or ^ ic kett, and many horrible evill s 
by that means are never seen nor knowne ; wheras hear, they 
are7~aS'itl^ra^brougHTnto"the iigEtran3"'set in the'plaine 
feeld, or rather on a hill, made conspicuous to the veiw of all. 
But to proceede; ther came a letter from the Gov'' in the 
Bay to them here, touching matters of the forementioned 
nature, which because it may be usefull I shall hear relate it, 
and the passages ther aboute. 

Sr: Having an opportunitie to signifie the desires of our Generall 
Court in toow things of spetiall importance, I willingly take this occasion 
to imparte them to you, that you may imparte them to the rest of your 
magistrats, and also to your Elders, for counsell; and give us your advise 
in them. The first is concerning heinous offences in point of uncleannes; 
the perticuler cases, with the circomstances, and the questions ther upon, 
you have hear inclosed. The 2. thing is concerning the Ilanders at Aquid- 
nett;' that seeing the cheefest of them are gone from us, in offences, either 
to churches, or commone welth, or both; others are dependants on them, 
and the best sorte are such as close with them in all their rejections of us. 
Neither is it only in a faction that they are devided from us, but in very 
deed they rend them selves from all the true chiu-ches of Christ, and, many 
of them, from all the powers of majestracie. We have had some experi- 
ence hereof by some of their underworkers, or emissaries, who have latly 
come amongst us, and have made publick defiance against magistracie, 
ministrie, churches, and church covenants, etc. as antichristian; secretly 
also sowing the seeds of Familisme,^ and Anabaptistrie to the infection 
of some, and danger of others; so that we are not willing to joyne with 

• The settlers on the island of Rhode Island. 

' The Familists were a sect existing in Holland and England in the six- 
teenth century, called the Family of Love, because of the love they professed 
for all human beings, however wicked. They and the Anabaptists were re- 
garded with great horror by the orthodox Puritans. 


them in any league or confederacie at all, but rather that you would con- 
sider and advise with us how we may avoyd them, and keep ours from 
being infected by them. Another thing I should mention to you, for the 
maintenance of the trad of beaver; if ther be not a company to order it in 
every jurisdition among the English, which companies should agree in 
generall of their way in trade, I supose that the trade will be overthrowne, 
and the Indeans will abuse us. For this cause we have latly put it into 
order amongst us, hoping of incouragmente from you (as we have had) 
that we may continue the same. Thus not further to trouble you, I rest, 
with my loving remembrance to your selfe, etc. 

Your loving friend, 

T, „^ ,, X .„.« Ri: Bellingham.' 

Boston, 28. (1.) 1642. 

The note inclosed follows on the other side.^ 

Worthy and beloved Sr: 

Yotir letter (with the questions inclosed) I have comunicated with our 
Assistants, and we have refered the answer of them to such Reve"*^ Elders 
as are amongst us, some of whose answers thertoo we have here sent you 
inclosed, under their owne hands; from the rest we have not yet received 
any. Our farr distance hath bene the reason of this long delay, as also 
that they could not conf err their counsells togeather. 

For our selves, (you know our breedings and abillities,) we rather 
desire light from your selves, and others, whom God hath better inabled, 
then to presume to give our judgments in cases so difficulte and of so high 
a nature. Yet under correction, and submission to better judgments, we 
propose this one thing to your prudent considerations. As it seems to us, 
in the case even of willf ull murder, that though a man did smite or wound 
an other, with a full pourpose or desire to kill him, (which is murder in a 
high degree, before God,) yet if he did not dye, the magistrate was not to 
take away the others life.' So by proportion in other, grosse and foule 
sines, though high attempts and nere approaches to the same be made, and 
such as in the sight and account of God may be as ill as the accomplish- 
mente of the foulest acts of that sine, yet we doute whether it may be safe 
for the magistrate to proceed to death ; we thinke, upon the former grounds, 
rather he may not. . . . Yet we confess foulnes of circomstances, and 

'Bellingham had been elected governor of Massachusetts June 2, 1641, 
and was governor one year. The date of this letter may be presumed to be 
March 28, 1642. 

^ A leaf is here wanting in the original manuscript, it having been cut out 
before Prince's time, as is shown by a note in his handwriting. 

» "Exod: 21. 22. Deu: 19. 11. Num: 35. 16. 18." (Br.) 


frequencie in the same, doth make us remaine in the darke, and desire 
further light from you, or any, as God shall give. 

As for the 2. thing, concerning the Ilanders ? we have no conversing 
with them, nor desire to have, furder then necessitie or humanity may 

And as for trade? we have as farr as we could ever therin held an 
orderly course, and have been sory to see the spoyle therof by others, and 
fear it will hardly be recovered. But in these, or any other things which 
may concerne the commone good, we shall be willing to advise and concure 
with you in what we may. Thus with my love remembered to your selfe, 
and the rest of our worthy friends, your Assistants, I take leave, and rest. 

Your loving friend, 

Plim: 17. 3. month, 1642. ^- ^^ 

But it may be demanded how came it to pass that so many 
wicke3~pefscms and^profane "pE^^^ so quitMy come 

over into this land^ and" mixe them selves" amongst "them? 
seeing it was. religiouB men tfiat begane ^ the work, and they 
came for reUgions sake. 1 ce^e^Jh^Jcaai^J^ej^ry^ed at, 
at least in time to come, when the reasons therof shouldnoFBe 
kSowne ; _and_ the more because here was so many hardships 
and wants mett withall. I shall therfore indeavor to give 
some answer hereunto. And first, according to that in the 
gospell, it is ever to be remembred that wher the Lord begins 
to sow good seed, ther the envious man will endeavore to sow 
tares. 2. Men being to come over into a wildernes, in which 
much labour and servise was to be done aboute building and 
planting, etc., such as wanted help in that respecte, when they 
could not have such as they would, were glad to take such as 
they could; and so, many imtoward servants, sundry of them 
proved, that were thus brought over, both men and women 
kind; who, when their times were expired, became famiUes of 
them selves, which gave increase hereimto. 3. An other and 
a maine reason hearof was, that men, finding so many godly 

• Here follow clerical opinions, of Reynor, Partridge and Chauncy, which it 
has been deemed proper to omit, together with a page or two ensuing. 


disposed persons willing to come into these parts, some begane 
to make a trade of it, to transeport passengers and their goods, 
and hired ships for that end; and then, to make up their 
fraight and advance their profite, cared not who the persons 
were, so they had money to pay them. And by this means 
the cimtrie became pestered with many imworthy persons, who, 
being come over, crept into one place or other. 4. Againe, 
the Lords blesing usually following his people, as well in out- 
ward as spirituall things, (though afflictions be mixed withall,) 
doe make many to adhear to the people of God, as many fol- 
lowed Christ, for the loaves" sake, John 6. 26. and a mixed 
multitud came into the willdernes with the people of God out 
of Eagipte of old, Exod. 12. 38; so allso ther were sente by 
their freinds some under hope that they would be made better; 
others that they might be eased of such burthens, and they 
kept from shame at home that would necessarily follow their 
dissolute courses. And thus, by one means or other, in 20. 
years time, it is a question whether the greater part be not 
growne the worser. 

I am now come to the conclusion of that long and tedious 
bussines betweene the partners hear, and them in England, 
the which I shall manifest by their owne letters as foUoweth, 
in such parts of them as are pertinente to the same. 

Mr. Sherleys to Mr. Attwood. 

Mr. Attwood, my approved loving freind: Your letter of the 18. of 
October last I have received, wherin I find you have taken a great deall 
of paines and care aboute that troublesome bussines betwixte our Plimoth 
partners and freinds, and us hear, and have deeply ingaged your self e, for 
which complements and words are no reall satisfaction, etc. For the 
agreemente you have made with Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, and the 
rest of the partners ther, considering how honestly and justly I am per- 
swaded they have brought in an accounte of the remaining stock, for my 
owne parte I am well satisfied, and so I thinlie is Mr. Andrewes, and I 
supose will be Mr. Beachampe, if most of it might acrew to him, to 
whom the least is due, etc. And now for peace sake, and to conclude as 
we began, lovingly and f reindly, and to pass by all failings of all, the con- 


elude is accepted of; I say this agreemente that you have made is conde- 

sended unto, and Mr. Andrews hath sent his release to Mr. Winthrop, 

with such directions as he conceives fitt; and I have made bould to 

trouble you with mine, and we have both sealed in the presence of Mr. 

Weld, and Mr. Peeters, and some others, and I have also sente you an 

other, for the partners ther, to scale to me; for you must not deliver mine 

to them, excepte they scale and deliver one to me; this is fitt and equall, 


Yours to command in what I may or can, 

, ,. ,..- James Sheelet. 

June 14. 1642. 

His to the partners as folhweth. 

Loving freinds, 

Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Mr. Prence, Captaine Standish, Mr. 
Brewster, Mr. Alden, and Mr. Rowland, give me leave to joyne you all 
in one letter, concerning the finall end and conclude of that tedious and 
troublsome bussines, and I thinke I may truly say uncomf urtable and un- 
profitable to all, etc. It hath pleased God now to put us upon a way to 
sease all suits, and disquieting of our spirites, and to conclude with peace 
and love, as we began. I am contented to yeeld and make good what Mr. 
Attwood and you have agreed upon; and for that end have sente to my 
loving freind, Mr. Attwood, an absolute and generall release unto you all, 
and if ther wante any thing to make it more full, write it your selves, and 
it shall be done, provided that all you, either joyntly or severally, scale 
the like discharge to me. And for that end I have drawne one joyntly, 
and sent it to Mr. Attwood, with that I have sealed to you. Mr. Andrews 
hath sealed an aquitance also, and sent it to Mr. Winthrop, whith such 
directions as he conceived fitt, and, as I hear, hath given his debte, which 
he maks 544ii. unto the gentlemen of the Bay. Indeed, Mr. Welld, Mr. 
Peters, and Mr. Hibbens have taken a great deale of paines with Mr. 
Andrews, Mr. Beachamp, and my selfe, to bring us to agree, and to that 
end we have had many meetings and spent much time aboute it. But as 
they are very religious and honest gentle-men, yet they had an end that 
they drove at and laboured to accomplish (I meane not any private end, 
but for the generall good of their patente) . It had been very well you had 
sent one over. Mr. Andrew wished you might have one 3. parte of the 
1200/i. and the Bay 2. thirds; but then we 3. must have agreed togeather, 
which were a hard mater now. But Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, and Mr. 
Hibbens, and I, have agreed, they giving you bond, so to compose with 
Mr. Beachamp, as to procure his generall release, and free you from all 
trouble and charge that he may put you too; which indeed is nothing, for 


I am perswaded Mr. Weld will in time gaine him to give them all that is 
dew to him, which in some sorte is granted allready; for though his de- 
mands be great, yet Mr. Andrewes hath taken some paines in it, and makes 
it appear to be less then I thinke he will consente to give them for so good 
an use; so you neede not fear, that for taking bond ther to save you 
harmles you be safe and well. Now our accord is, that you must pay to 
the gentle-men of the Bay QOOli. ; they are to bear all chargs that may any 
way arise concerning the free and absolute clearing of you from us three. 
And you to have the other 300li. etc. 

Upon the receiving of my release from you, I will send you your bonds 
for the purchass money. I would have sent them now, but I would have 
Mr. Beachamp release as well as I, because you are bound to him in them. 
Now I know if a man be bound to 12. men, if one release, it is as if all re- 
leased, and my discharge doth cutt them of; wherfore doubte you not 
but you shall have them, and your commission, or any thing els that is 
fitt. Now you know ther is tow years of the purchass money, that I would 
not owne, for I have formerley certified you that I would but pay 7. 
years; but now you are discharged of all, etc. 

Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can, 

June 14. 1642. '^^'^^ Sheeu:t. 

The coppy of his release is as foUoweth. 

Wheras diverce questions, differences, and demands have arisen and 
depended betweene William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, 
Mylest Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland, 
gent: now or latly inhabitants or resident at New-Plimoth, in New-Eng- 
land, on the one party, and James Sherley of London, marchante, and 
others, in th' other parte, for and concerning a stocke and partable trade of 
beaver and other comodities, and fraighting of ships, as the White Angell, 
Frindship, or others,, and the goods of Isaack Allerton which were seazed 
upon by vertue of a leter of atturney made by the said James Sherley and 
John Beachamp and Richard Andrews, or any other maters concerning 
the said trade, either hear in Old-England or ther in New-England or 
elsewher, all which differences are since by mediation of freinds composed 
compremissed, and all the said parties agreed. Now know all men by 
these presents, that I, the said James Sherley, in performance of the said 
compremise and agreemente, have remised, released, and quite clauned, 
and doe by these presents remise, release, and for me, myne heires, execu- 
tors, and Administrators, and for every of us, for ever quite claime unto 
the said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles 


Standish, William Brewster, John AUden, and John Rowland, and every 
of them, their and every of their heires, executors, and administrators, all 
and all maner of actions, suits, debts, accounts, rekonings, comissions, 
bonds, bills, specialties, judgments, executions, claimes, challinges, differ- 
ences, and demands whatsoever, with or against the said William Bradford, 
Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, 
John Allden, and John Rowland, or any of them, ever I had, now have, 
or in time to come can, shall, or may have, for any mater, cause, or thing 
whatsoever from the begining of the world untill the day of the date of 
these presents. In witnes wherof I have hereunto put my hand and 
seale, given the second day of June, 1642, and in the eighteenth year of 
the raigne of our soveraigne lord, king Charles, etc. 

Sealed and delivered ^^^^ Sheeley. 

in the presence of Thomas Weld, 
Hugh Peters, 
William Hibbins. 
Aethuk Tierey, Scr. 
Tho: Stuegs, his servante. 

Mr. Andrews* his discharg was to the same effecte; he 
was by agreemente to have SOOZi. of the money, the which 
he gave to them in the Bay, who brought his discharge and 
demanded the money. And they tooke in his release and paid 
the money according to agreemente, viz. one third of the 500K. 
they paid downe in hand, and the rest in 4. equall payments, 
to be paid yearly, for which they gave their bonds . And wheras 
44K. was more demanded, they conceived they could take 
it of with Mr. Andrews, and therfore it was not in the bonde. 
But Mr. Beachamp would not parte with any of his, but de- 
manded 400li. of the partners here, and sent a release to a 
friend, to deliver it to them upon the receite of the money. 
But his relese was not perfecte, for he had left out some of the 
partners names, with some other defects; and besids, the other 
gave them to understand he had not near so much due. So 
n© end was made with him till 4. years after; of which in it[s] 
plase. And in that regard, that them selves did not agree, I 

' Richard Andrews, it will be remembered, was one of the merchant ad- 
venturers, as was also John Beauchamp, mentioned below. 


ghall inserte some part of Mr. Andrews letter, by which he 
conceives the partners here were wronged, as followeth. This 
leter of his was write to Mr. Edmond Freeman,* brother in 
law to Mr. Beachamp. 

Mr. Freeman, 

My love remembred unto you, etc. I then certified the partners 
how I found Mr. Beachamp and Mr. Sherley, in their perticuler demands, 
which was according to mens principles, of getting what they could; ail- 
though the one will not shew any accounte, and the other a very unfaire 
and unjust one; and both of them discouraged me from sending the 
partners my accounte, Mr. Beachamp espetially. Their reason, I have 
cause to conceive, was, that allthough I doe not, nor ever intended to, 
wrong the partners or the bussines, yet, if I gave no accounte, I might be 
esteemed as guiltie as they, in some degree at least; and they might seeme 
to be the more free from taxation in not delivering their accounts, who 
have both of them charged the accounte with much intrest they have 
payed forth, and one of them would likwise for much intrest he hath not 
paid forth, as appeareth by his accounte, etc. And seeing the partners 
have now made it appear that ther is 1200^i. remaining due between us 
all, and that it may appear by my accounte I have not charged the bussines 
with any intrest, but doe forgive it unto the partners, above 200li. if Mr. 
Sherley and Mr. Beachamp, who have betweene them wronged the bussi- 
nes so many lOOZi. both in principall and intrest likwise, and have therin 
wronged me as well and as much as any of the partners ; yet if they will 
not make and deliver faire and true accounts of the same, nor be contente 
to take what by computation is more then can be justly due to either, that 
is, to Mr. Beachamp 150li. as by Mr. AUertons accounte, and Mr. Sherleys 
accounte, on oath in chancerie; and though ther might be nothing due to 
Mr. Sherley, yet he requirs lOOli. etc. I conceive, seing the partners 
have delivered on their oaths the summe remaining in their hands, that 
they may justly detaine the 650H. which may remaine in their hands, after 
I am satisfied, untill Mr. Sherley and Mr. Beachamp will be more fair 
and just in their ending, etc. And as I intend, if the partners fayrly end 
with me, in satisfing in parte and ingaging them selves for the rest of my 
said 544Zi. to returne back for the poore my parte of the land at Sityate, 
so likwise I intend to relinquish my right and intrest in their dear patente, 
on which much of our money was laid forth, and also my right and intrest 

' Edmund Freeman came over in the 'Abigail in October, 1635, and settled 
in Sandwich. Two sons, Edmund and John, married daughters of Governor 


in their cheap purchass, the which may have cost me first and last 350li} 
But I doubte whether other men have not charged or taken on accounte 
what they have disbursed in the hke case, which I have not charged, 
neither did I conceive any other durst so doe, untill I saw the accounte 
of the one and heard the words of the other; the which gives me just cause 
to suspecte both their accounts to be unfaire; for it seemeth they consulted 
one with another aboute some perticulers therin. Therfore I conceive 
the partners ought the rather to require just accounts from each of them 
before they parte with any money to either of them. For marchants 
understand how to give an acounte; if they mean fairley, they will not 
deney to give an accounte, for they keep memorialls to helpe them to give 
exacte acounts in all perticulers, and memoriall cannot forget his charge, 
if the man will remember. I desire not to wrong Mr. Beachamp or Mr. 
Sherley, nor may be silente in such apparente probabilities of their wrong- 
ing the partners, and me likwise, either in deneying to deliver or shew any 
accounte, or in delivering one very unjuste in some perticulers, and very 
suspitious in many more; either of which, being from understanding 
marchants, cannot be from weaknes or simplisitie, and therfore the more 
unfaire. So comending you and yours, and all the Lord's people, unto 
the gratious protection and blessing of the Lord, and rest your loving 

Aprill 7. 1643. Richard Andeewes. 

This leter was write the year after the agreement, as doth 
appear; and what his judgmente was herein, the contents doth 
manifest, and so I leave it to the equall judgmente of any to 
consider, as they see cause. 

Only I shall adde what Mr. Sherley ftirder write in a leter 
of his, about the same time, and so leave this bussines. His 
is as foUoweth on the other side.^ 

Loving freinds, Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Cap: Standish, Mr. 
Prence, and the rest of the partners with you; I shall write this generall 
leter to you all, hoping it will be a good conclude of a generall, but a costly 
and tedious bussines I thinke to all, I am sure to me, etc. 

I received from Mr. Winslow a letter of the 28. of Sept: last, and so 
much as concernes the generall bussines I shall answer in this, not know- 
ing whether I shall have opportunitie to write perticuler letters, etc. I 

' "This he means of the first adventures, all which were lost, as hath before 
been shown; and what he here writs is probable at least." (Br.) 

' Of the page of the manuscript. 


expected more letters from you all, as some perticuler writs/ but it seem- 
eth no fitt opportunity was offered. And now, though the bussines for the 
maine may stand, yet some perticulers is alltered; I say my former agree- 
mente with Mr. Weld and Mr. Peters, before the[y] could conclude orgett 
any grante of Mr. Andrews, they sought to have my release; and ther upon 
they sealed me a bond for a llO^i. So I sente my acquittance, for they 
said without mine ther would be no end made (and ther was good reason 
for it). Now they hoped, if they ended with me, to gaine Mr. Andrews 
parte, as they did holy, to a pound, (at which I should wonder, but that I 
observe some passages,) and they also hoped to have gotten Mr. Beachamp 
part, and I did thinke he would have given it them. But if he did well 
understand him selfe, and that acounte, he would give it; for his demands 
make a great sound.^ But it seemeth he would not parte with it, supposing 
it too great a sume, and that he might easily gaine it from you. Once he 
would have given them 40Zz. but now they say he will not doe that, or 
rather I suppose they will not take it; for if they doe, and have Mr. 
Andrewses, then they must pay me their bond of 110/i. 3 months hence. 
Now it will fall out farr better for you, that they deal not with Mr. Bea- 
champ, and also for me, if you be as kind to me as I have been and will 
be to you; and that thus, if 'you pay Mr. Andrews, or the Bay men, by 
his order, 544K. which is his full demande; but if looked into, perhaps 
might be less. The man is honest, and in my conscience would not 
wittingly doe wronge, yett he may f orgett as well as other men; and Mr. 
Winslow may call to minde wherin he forgetts; (but some times it is good 
to buy peace.) The gentlemen of the Bay may abate lOOli. and so both 
sids have more right and justice then if they exacte all, etc. Now if you 
send me a 150/i. then say Mr. Andrews full sume, and this, it is nere 700li. 
Mr. Beachamp he demands 400li. and we all know that, if a man demands 
money, he must shew wherfore, and make proof e of his debte; which I 
know he can never make good proafe of one hunderd pound dew unto him 
as principall money; so till he can, you have good reason to keep the 
500li. etc. This I proteste I write not in malice against Mr. Beachamp, 
for it is a reall truth. You may partly see it by Mr. Andrews making up 
his accounte, and I think you are all perswaded I can say more then Mr. 
Andrews concerning that accounte. I wish I could make up my owne as 
plaine and easily, but because of former discontents, I will be sparing till 
I be called; and you may injoye the 500li. quietly till he begine; for let 
him take his course hear or ther, it shall be all one, 1 will doe him no 

• Perhaps write, for lurote. 

' "This was a misterie to them, for they heard nothing hereof from any 
side the last year, till now the conclution was past, and bonds given." (Br.) 


wronge; and if he have not on peney more, he is less loser then either Mr. 
Andrews or I. This I conceive to be just and honest; the having or not 
having of his release matters not; let him make such proafe of his debte 
as you cannot disprove, and according to your first agreemente you will 
pay it, etc. 

Your truly affectioned freind, 
London, ApriU 27. 1643. -^^^^^ Sheeley. 

Anno Dom: 1643. 

I AM to begine this year whith that which was a mater of 
great saddnes and mourning unto them all. Aboute the 18. 
of Aprill dyed their Reve'^ Elder, and my dear and loving 
friend, Mr. William Brewster; a man that had done and suf- 
fered much for the Lord Jesus and the gospells sake, and had 
bore his parte in well and woe with this poore persecuted 
church above 36. years in England, Holand, and in this wilder- 
nes, and done the Lord and them faithfull service in his place 
and calMng. And notwithstanding, the many troubls and sor- 
rows he passed tlirOWy 4ha_Lord upheld hiin to a great .age. 
He was nere fourskor§ years of age (if not all out) when he 
dyed. He h ad this blesing added by the Lord_to all the rest, 
to iiy e_in his bed, in peace, am ongst the mids of his freinds, 
who mcafl««d-a«d-'wepte- over liim7an3"^ii5isteT5d~wfert help 
and comforte they could vtnto him, and he"agaih"e recdmfofted 
them whilst he could. His sicknes was not long, and till the 
last day therof he did not wholy keepe his bed. His speech 
continued till somewhat more then halfe a day, and then 
failed him; and aboute 9. or 10. a clock that evning he dyed, 
without any pangs at all. A few howers before, he drew his 
breath shorte, and some few minuts before his last, he drew 
his breath long, as a man falen into a sound slepe, without 
any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly departed this Hfe unto 
a better. 

I would now demand of any, what he was the worse for any 
former suffermgs? WhaLdoa Imj^wssmL. Nay, .smehe was 
the better, and they now added to his honour. It is a mani- 


jest token (saith the Apostle, 2. Thes: 1. 5, 6, 7.) oj the righ[t]eous 
judgmente of God that ye may be counted worthy of the kingdome 
of God, for which ye allso suffer; seing it is a righteous thing with 
God to recompence tribulation to them that trouble you: and to 
you who are troubled, rest with us, when the Lord Jesus shall 
be revealed from heaven, with his mighty angels. 1. Pet. 4. 14. 
If you be reproached for the name of Christ, hapy are ye, for the 
fpirite of glory and of God resteth upon you. What though he 
wanted the riches and pleasurs of the world in this hfe, and 
pompous monuments at his funurall? yet the memoriall of the 
just shall be blessed, when the name of the wicked shall rott 
(with their marble monuments). Pro: 10. 7. 

I should say something of his hfe, if to say a litle were not 
worse then to be silent. But I cannot wholy forbear, though 
hapily more may be done hereafter. After he had attained 
some learning, viz. the knowledg of the Latine tongue, and 
some insight in the Greeke, and spent some small time at 
Cambridge, and then being first seasoned with the seeds of 
grace and vertue, he went to the Courte, and served that 
rehgious and godly gentlman, Mr. Davison, diverce years, 
when he was Secretary of State; who found him so discreete 
and faithfull as he trusted him above all other that were 
aboute him, and only imployed him in all matters of greatest 
trust and secrecie. He esteemed him rather as a sonne then 
a servante, and for his wisdom and godhnes (in private) he 
would converse with him more like a freind and familier then 
a maister. He attended his m"" when he was sente in am- 
bassage by the Queene into the Low-Countries, in the Earle of 
Leicesters time,' as for other waighty affaires of state, so to 
receive possession of the cautionary townes, and in token and 
signe therof the keyes of Flushing being dehvered to him, in 
her ma*'^ name, he kepte them some time, and committed 
them to this his servante, who kept them imder his pilow, on 

' December, 1584r-February, 1586. The story is told fully in the first volume 
of Motley's History of the United Netherlands. 


which he slepte the first night. And, at his retiome, the 
States' honoured him with a govld chaine, and his maister 
committed it to him, and commanded him to wear it when 
they arrived m England, as they ridd thorrow the country, 
till they came to the Com-te. He afterwards remained with 
him till his troubles, that he was put from his place aboute 
the death of the Queene of Scots ;^ and some good time after, 
doeing him manie faithfuU offices of servise in the time of his 
troubles. Afterwards he wente and Hved in the country, in 
good esteeme amongst his freinds and the gentle-men of those 
parts, espetially the godly and religious. He did much good 
in the countrie wher he Hved, in promoting and furthering 
religion, not only by his practiss and example, and provocking 
and incouraging of others, but by procuring of good preachers 
to the places theraboute, and drawing on of others to assiste 
and help forward in such a worke; he him selfe most comonly 
deepest in the charge, and some times above his abilhtie. 
And in this state he continued many years, doeing the best 
good he could, and walking according to the light he saw, till 
the Lord revelled further tinto him. And in the end, by the 
tirrany of the bishops against godly preachers and people, in 
silenceing the one and persecuting the other, he and many 
more of those times begane to looke further into things, and 
to see into the unlawfullnes of their callings, and the burthen 
of many anti-christian corruptions, which both he and they 
endeavored to cast of; as they allso did, as in the begining of 
this treatis is to be seene. After they were joyned togither 
in comunion, he was a spetiall stay and help unto them. 
They ordinarily mett at his house on the Lords day, (which 
was a manor of the bishops,) ' and with great love he enter- 

' I. e., the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands. 

^ Mary Queen of Scots was beheaded February 8, 1586/7. The warrant for 
her execution was placed in the hands of William Davison, as one of EHzabeth's 
secretaries of state. EHzabeth endeavored to placate the feeling against the 
execution by asserting that she had ordered Davison not to have the warrant 
executed without further orders, and sent him to the Tower. 

* Scrooby Manor House, belonging to the archbishop of York. 


tained them when they came, making provission for them to 
his great charge. He was the cheefe of those that were taken 
at Boston, and suffered the greatest loss; and of the seven that 
were kept longst in prison, and after bound over to the assises. 
Affter he came into Holland he suffered much hardship, after 
he had spente the most of his means, haveing a great charge, 
and many children ; and, in regard of his former breeding and 
course of hfe, not so fitt for many imployments as others were, 
espetially such as were toylesume and laborious. But yet he 
ever bore his condition with much cherfullnes and contenta- 
tion. Towards the later parte of those 12. years spente in 
Holland, his outward condition was mended, and he Hved well 
and plentifully; for he fell into a way (by reason he had the 
Latine tongue) to teach many students, who had a disire to 
leme the English tongue, to teach them Enghsh ; and by his 
method they quickly attained it with great facihtie; for he 
drew rules to leme it by, after the Latine maner; and many 
gentlemen, both Danes and Germans, resorted to him, as they 
had time from other studies, some of them being great mens 
sonnes. He also had means to set up printing, (by the help of 
some freinds,) and so had imploymente inoughg, and by reason 
of many books which would not be alowed to be printed in 
England, they might have had more then they could doe.* 
But now removeing into this countrie, all these things were 
laid aside againe, and a new course of Hving must be framed 
unto ; in which he was no way unwilling to take his parte, and 
to bear his burthen with the rest, living many times without 
bread, or come, many months together, having many times 
nothing but fish, and often wanting that also; and drunke 
nothing but water for many years togeather, yea, till within 
5. or 6. years of his death. And yet he lived (by the blessing 
of God) in health till very old age. And besids that, he would 
labour with his hands in the feilds as long as he was able; yet 
when the church had no other minister, he taught twise every 

' See p. 39, note 1. 


Saboth, and that both powerfully and profitably, to the great 
contentment of the hearers, and their comfortable edification; 
yea, many were brought to God by his ministrie. He did 
more in this behalfe in a year, then many that have their 
hundreds a year doe in all their lives. For his personall abili- 
ties, he was quahfied above many; he was wise and discreete 
and well spoken, having a grave and dehberate utterance, of a 
very cherfull spirite, very sociable and pleasante amongst his 
freinds, of an humble and modest mind, of a peaceable disposi- 
tion, under vallewing him self and his owne abiUties, and 
some time over valewing others; inoffencive and innocente in 
his life and conversation, which gained him the love of those 
without, as well as those within; yet he would tell them 
plainely of their faults and evills, both pubHckly and privatly, 
but in such a maner as usually was well taken from him. He 
was tender harted, and compassionate of such as were in 
miserie, but espetialy of such as had been of good estate and 
ranke, and were fallen unto want and poverty, either for 
goodnes and religions sake, or by the injury and oppression of 
others; he would say, of all men these deserved to be pitied 
most. And none did more offend and displease him then such 
as would hautily and proudly carry and lift up themselves, 
being rise from nothing, and haveing Utle els in them to comend 
them but a few fine cloaths, or a Htle riches more then others. 
In teaching, he was very moving and stirring of affections, 
also very plaine and distincte in what he taught; by which 
means he became the more profitable to the hearers. He had 
a singuler good gift in prayer, both publick and private, in 
ripping up the hart and conscience before God, in the humble 
confession of sinne, and begging the mercies of God in Christ 
for the pardon of the same. He always thought it were 
better for ministers to pray oftener, and devide their 
prears, then be longe and tedious in the same (excepte upon 
soUemne and spetiall occations, as in days of humihation 
and the like). His reason was, that the harte and spirits 


of all, espetialy the weake, could hardly continue and stand 
bente (as it were) so long towards God, as they ought to 
doe in that duty, without flagging and falling of. For the 
govermente of the church, (which was most proper to his 
office,) he was carfuU to preserve good order in the same, 
and to preserve puritie, both in the doctrine and comunion 
of the same; and to supress any errour or contention that 
might begine to rise up amongst them; and accordingly 
God gave good success to his indeavors herein all his days, 
and he saw the fruite of his labours in that behalfe. But I 
must breake of, having only thus touched a few, as it were, 
heads of things. 

. I.cannot but here take occasion, not only to mention, but 
greatly..±o. admire the marvelous providence of God, t hat not- 
withstanding the many eha^^^ges and ia-pdsfeip&--^^^F^HTese- 
people wente throwgh, and the many -eneini^ thfiy Jtad,, a.Ti,fl 
difficulties they mette „with„all, that sp many of them should 
live-to very olde age!' It was not only this reve"^ mans con- 
dition, (for one swallow maks no summer, as they say,) but 
many more of them did the like, some dying aboute and before 
this time, and many still li¥iTLg7wh6~attainedrio~'60ryears-'e{---' 
age, and to 65. diverse. to, 7.0..-and-above,»ajid_aQinejiere^0.^ 
as he did. more than ordinarie, and above 
naturall reason, that so it should be; for it is foiincnnr ex- 
perience, jthat-chaing of aeir, -famine, or unholsbme foode, 
much drinking of water, sorrows and troubls,_etc?,~aII of them 
are enimies to health, causes of many diseaces, consuniers of 
naturall vigoure and the bodys of men, and shortners of Ufe. 
And yet of all these things they had a large parte, and suffered 
deeply in the same. They wente from England to- Holandr 
wher they found both worse air and dyet then that they came 
from ; from thence (induring a long imprisonmente, as it were, 
in the ships at sea) into New-England; and how it hath been 

' Those of the Mayflower company who survived the first winter Uved an 
average of thirty-seven years afterwards. 


with them hear hath allready beene showne; and what crosses, 
troubls, fears, wants, and sorrowes they had been lyable unto, 
is easie to conjecture; so as in some sorte they may say with 
the Apostle, 2. Cor: 11. 26, 27. they were in journeyings often, 
in perils of waters, in perills of rdbers, in perills of their owne 
nation, in perils among the heathen, in perills in the willdernes, 
in perills in the sea, in perills among false hreethern; in wearines / 
and painfullnes, in watching often, in hunger and thirst, in Ju 
fasting often, in could and nakednes. What was it then that 
uphdd_theni?_.-It''wasTR53s~vismtatiQii_ tl^ preserved their 
spiQtS;;__Job^lO. 12. Thou hast given me life and grace, and 
thy vissitation hath preserved my spirite. He that upheld the 
Apostle upheld them. They were persecuted, hut not forsaken, 
cast downe, lut perished not. 2. Cor: 4. 9. As unknowen, and 
yet knowen; as dying, and behold we live; as chastened, and 
yett not kiled. 2. Cor: 6. 9. God, it seems, would have all 
men to behold and observe such mercies and works of his 
providence as these are towards his people, that they in hke 
cases might be mcouraged to depend upon God in their trials, 
and also blese his name when they see his goodnes towards 
others. Man lives not by bread only, Deut : 8.' 3. It is not by 
good and dainty fare, by peace, and rest, and harts ease, in 
injoying the contentments and good things of this world only, 
that preserves health .and prolongs Uf e. God in such examples 
would have the world see and behold that he can doe it without 
them; and if the world will shut ther eyes, and take no notice 
therof, yet he would have his people to see and consider it. 
Daniell could be better hkmg with pulse then others were with 
the kings dainties. Jaacob, though he wente from one nation 
to another people, an3rpag5ed4liQi3a3£Ja;^ne^_fe ^j.and many 
afflictions, yet JieJiyedrTilToia" age, and dyedlweetly, and 
rested in the Lord, as^infinite others of Gods servants have 
done, and still shall doe, (through Gods goodnes,) notwith- 
standing all the mahce of their enemies; when the branch of 
the wicked shall be cut of before his day. Job. 15. 32. and the 


hloody and decdtfull men shall not live out halfe their days. 
Psa: 55. 23. 

By reason of the plottings of the Narigansets, (ever since the 
Pequents warr,) the Indeans were drawne into a general! con- 
spiracie against the English in all parts, as was in part dis- 
covered the yeare before; and now made more plaine and 
evidente by many discoveries and free-conffessions of sundrie 
Indeans (upon severall occasions) from diverse places, con- 
curing in one; with such other concuring circomstances as 
gave them suflissently to understand the trueth therof, and to 
thinke of means how to prevente the same, and secure them 
selves. Which made them enter into this more nere union 
and confederation following. 

Articles of ConfEederation betweene the Plantations under the Govermente 
of Massachusets, the Plantations under the Govermente of New- 
Plimoth, the Plantations under the Govermente of Conightecute, 
and the Govermente of New-Haven, with the Plantations in com- 
bination therwith.^ 
Wheras we all came into these parts of America with one and the 
same end and aime, namly, to advance the kingdome of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, and to injoye the liberties of the Gospell in puritie with peace; 
and wheras in our setling (by a wise providence of God) we are further 
disperced upon the sea coasts and rivers then was at first intended, so 
that we cannot, according to our desires, with conveniencie comunicate 
in one govermente and jurisdiction; and wheras we live encompassed 
with people of severall nations and Strang languages, which hereafter may 
prove injurious to us and our posteritie; and for as much as the natives 
have formerly committed sundrie insolencies and outrages upon severall 
plantations of the English, and have of late combined them selves against 
us; and seeing, by reason of those distractions in England (which they 
have heard of) and by which they know we are hindered from that humble 
way of seeking advice or reaping those comfurtable fruits of protection 
which at other times we might well expecte; we therfore doe conceive 

1 On the formation and history of the New England Confederation, see Mr. 
C. C. Smith's article, "Boston and the Neighboring Jurisdictions," in the first 
volume of Winsor's Memorial History of Boston; and Frothingham's Rise of 
the Republic, chap. ii. The records of the meetings of the Confederation are 
printed in the Plymouth Colony Records, vols. IX., X., and in Colonial Records 
o] Connecticut, vol. III. 


it our bounden dijty, without delay, to enter into a presents consociation 
amongst our selves, for mutuall help and strength in all our future con- 
cernments. That as in nation and religion, so in other respects, we be 
and continue one, according to the tenor and true meaning of the insuing 
articles. (1) Wherfore it is fully agreed and concluded by and betweene 
the parties or jurisdictions above named, and they joyntly and severally 
doe by these presents agree and conclude, that they all be and henceforth 
be called by the name of The United Colonies of New-England. 

2. The said United CoUonies, for them selves and their posterities, 
doe joyntly and severally hereby enter into a firme and perpetuall league 
of frendship and amitie, for offence and defence, mutuall advice and 
succore upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the 
truth of the Gospell, and for their owne mutuall saftie and wellfare. 

3. It is further agreed that the plantations which at presente are or 
hereafter shall be setled with [in] the limites of the Massachusets shall 
be for ever under the Massachusets, and shall have peculier jurisdiction 
amonge them selves in all cases, as an intire body. And that Plimoth, 
Conightecutt, and New-Haven shall each of them have like peculier 
jurisdition and govermente within their limites and in refference to the 
plantations which allready are setled, or shall hereafter be erected, or 
shall setle within their limites, respectively; provided that no other 
jurisdition shall hereafter be takeen in, as a distincte head or member 
of this confederation, nor shall any other plantation or jurisdiction in 
presente being, and not allready in combination or under the jurisdiction 
of any of these conf ederats, be received by any of them ; nor shall any tow 
of the confederats joyne in one jurisdiction, without consente of the rest, 
which consente to be interpreted as is expreseed in the sixte article en- 

4. It is by these conffederats agreed, that the charge of all just warrs, 
whether offencive or defencive, upon what parte or member of this 
confederation soever they fall, shall, both in men, provissions, and all 
other dbbursments, be borne by all the parts of this confederation, in 
diflerente proportions, according to their differente abillities, in maner 
following: namely, that the comissioners for each jurisdiction, from time 
to time, as ther shall be occasion, bring a true accounte and number of all 
their males in every plantation, or any way belonging too or under their 
severall jurisdictions, of what qualitie or condition soever they be, from 
16. years old to 60. being inhabitants ther; and that according to the 
differente niunbers which from tune to tune shall be found in each juris- 
diction upon a true and just accounte, the service of men and all charges 
of the warr be borne by the pole; each jurisdiction or plantation being 


left to their owne just course and custome of rating them selves and people 
according to their diflerente estates, with due respects to their qualities and 
exemptions amongst them selves, though the confederats take no notice of 
any such priviledg. And that according to their differente charge of each 
jurisdiction and plantation, the whole advantage of the warr, (if it please 
God to blesse their indeaours,) whether it be in lands, goods, or persons, 
shall be proportionably devided amonge the said confederats. 

5. It is further agreed, that if these jurisdictions, or any plantation 
under or in combynacion with them, be invaded by any enemie whomso- 
ever, upon notice and requeste of any 3. magistrats of that jurisdiction so 
invaded, the rest of the confederats, without any further meeting or ex- 
postulation, shall forthwith send ayde to the confederate in danger, but 
in differente proportion; namely, the Massachusets an hundred men 
suflScently armed and provided for such a service and journey, and each 
of the rest forty five so armed and provided, or any lesser number, if less 
be required according to this proportion. But if such confederate in 
danger may be supplyed by their nexte confederates, not exeeding the 
number hereby agreed, they may crave help ther, and seeke no further 
for the presente; the charge to be borne as in this article is exprest, and 
at the returne to be victuled and suplyed with powder and shote for their 
jurney (if ther be need) by that jurisdiction which imployed or sent for 
them. But none of the jurisdictions to exceede these numbers till, by a 
meeting of the commissioners for this confederation, a greater aide ap- 
pear nessessarie. And this proportion to continue till upon knowlege 
of greater numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall be brought to the 
nexte meeting, some other proportion be ordered. But in such case of 
sending men for presente aide, whether before or after such order or 
alteration, it is agreed that at the meeting of the comissioners for this 
confederation, the cause of such warr or invasion be duly considered; 
and if it appeare that the f alte lay in the parties so invaded, that then that 
jurisdiction or plantation make just satisfaction both to the invaders 
whom they have injured, and beare all the charges of the warr them 
selves, without requiring any allowance from the rest of the confederats 
towards the same. And further, that if any jurisdiction see any danger 
of any invasion approaching, and ther be time for a meeting, that in such 
a case 3. magistrats of that jurisdiction may summone a meeting, at such 
conveniente place as them selves shall thinke meete, to consider and 
provid against the threatened danger, provided when they are mett, they 
may remove to what place they please; only, whilst any of these foure 
confederats have but 3 magistrats in their jurisdiction, their requeste, or 
summons, from any 2. of them shall be accounted of equall forcQ with the 


3. mentioned in both the clauses of this article, till ther be an increase of 
majestrats ther. 

6. It is also agreed that, for the managing and concluding of all 
affairs propper, and concerning the whole confederation, tow comis- 
sioners shall be chosen by and out of each of these 4. jurisdictions; namly, 
2. for the Massachusets, 2. for Plimoth, 2. for Conightecutt, and 2. for 
New-Haven, being all in church fellowship with us, which shall bring full 
power from their severall Generall Courts respectively to hear, examene, 
waigh, and detirmine all affairs of warr, or peace, leagues, aids, charges, 
and numbers of men for warr, divissions of spoyles, and whatsoever is 
gotten by conquest; receiving of more confederats, or plantations into 
combination with any of the confederates, and all things of like nature, 
which are the proper concomitants or consequences of such a confedera- 
tion, for amitie, offence, and defence; not intermedling with the gover- 
mente of any of the jurisdictions, which by the 3. article is preserved en- 
tirely to them selves. But if these 8. comissioners when they meete shall 
not all agree, yet it concluded that any 6. of the 8. agreeing shall have 
power to setle and determine the bussines in question. But if 6. doe not 
agree, that then such propositions, with their reasons, so farr as they have 
been debated, be sente, and referred to the 4. Generall Courts, viz. the 
Massachusets, Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New-haven; and if at all the 
said Generall Courts the bussines so referred be concluded, then to be 
prosecuted by the confederats, and all their members. It was further 
agreed that these 8. comissioners shall meete once every year, besids 
extraordinarie meetings, (according to the fifte article,) to consider, treate, 
and conclude of aU affaires belonging to this confederation, which meeting 
shall ever be the first Thursday in September. And that the next meeting 
after the date of these presents, which shall be accounted the second 
meeting, shall be at Boston in the Massachusets, the 3. at Hartford, the 
4. at New-Haven, the 5. at Plimoth, and so in course successively, if in 
the meane time some midle place be not found out and agreed on, which 
may be comodious for all the jurisdictions. 

7. It is further agreed, that at each meeting of these 8. comissioners, 
whether ordinarie, or extraordinary, they all 6. of them agreeing as before, 
may chuse a presidente out of them selves, whose office and work shall 
be to take care and directe for order, and a comly carrying on of all pro- 
ceedings in the present meeting; but he shall be invested with no such 
power or respecte, as by which he shall hinder the propounding or pro- 
grese of any bussines, or any way cast the scailes otherwise then in the 
precedente article is agreed. 

8. It is also agreed, that the comissioners for this confederation 


hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or extraordinarie, as they 
may have comission or opportunitie, doe indeaover to frame and estabhsh 
agreements and orders in general! cases of a civill nature, wherin all the 
plantations are interessed, for the preserving of peace amongst them 
selves, and preventing as much as may be all occasions of warr or differ- 
ence vs^ith others; as aboute the free and speedy passage of justice, in 
every jurisdiction, to all the confederats equally as to their owne; not 
receiving those that remove from one plantation to another without due 
certificate; how all the jurisdictions may carry towards the Indeans, that 
they neither growe insolente, nor be injured without due satisfaction, 
least warr breake in upon the confederats through such miscarriages. 
It is also agreed, that if any servante rune away from his maister into 
another of these confederated jurisdictions, that in such case, upon 
the certificate of one magistrate in the jurisdiction out of which the said 
servante fledd, or upon other due proofe, the said servante shall be de- 
livered, either to his maister, or any other that pursues and brings such 
certificate or proofe. And that upon the escape of any prisoner what- 
soever, or fugitive for any criminall cause, whether breaking prison, or 
getting from the officer, or otherwise escaping, upon the certificate of 2. 
magistrats of the jurisdiction out of which the escape is made, that he 
was a prisoner, or such an offender at the time of the escape, they magis- 
trats, or sume of them of that jurisdiction wher for the presente the said 
prisoner or fugitive abideth, shall forthwith grante such a warrante as the 
case will beare,for the apprehending of any such person, and the delivering 
of him into the hands of theofiicer, or other person who pursues him. And 
if ther be help required, for the safe returning of any such offender, then 
it shall be granted to him that craves the same, he paying the charges therof . 
9. And for that the justest warrs may be of dangerous consequence, 
espetially to the smaler plantations in these United Collonies, it is agreed 
that neither the Massachusets, Plimoth, Conightecutt, nor New-Haven, 
nor any member of any of them, shall at any time hear after begine, under- 
take, or ingage them selves, or this confederation, or any parte therof, in 
any warr whatsoever, (sundry exegents, with the necessary consequents 
therof excepted, which are also to be moderated as much as the case will 
permitte,) without the consente and agreemente of the forementioned 8. 
comissioners, or at the least 6. of them, as in the sixt article is provided. 
And that no charge be required of any of they confederats, in case of a 
defensive warr, till the said comissioners have mett, and approved the 
justice of the warr, and have agreed upon the summe of money to be 
levied, which smne is then to be paid by the severall confederats in pro- 
portion according to the fourth article. 


10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings are summoned 
by three magistrates of any jurisdiction, or 2. as in the 5. article, if any 
of the comissioners come not, due warning being given or sente, it is 
agreed that 4. of the comissioners shall have power to directe a warr which 
cannot be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out of each 
jurisdiction, as well as 6. might doe if all mett; but not less then 6. shall 
determine the justice of the warr, or alow the demands or bills of charges, 
or cause any levies to be made for the same. 

11. It is further agreed, that if any of the confederats shall hereafter 
breake any of these presente articles, or be any other ways injurious to any 
one of the other jurisdictions, such breach of agreemente or injurie shall 
be duly considered and' ordered by the comissioners for the other jurisdic- 
tion; that both peace and this presente confederation may be intirly pre- 
served without violation. 

12. Lastly, this perpetuall confederation, and the severall articles 
therof being read, and seriously considered, both by the Generall Courte 
for the Massachusets, and by the comissioners for Plimoth, Conigtecute, 
and New-Haven, were fully alowed and confirmed by 3. of the forenamed 
confederats, namly, the Massachusets, Conightecutt, and New-Haven; 
only the comissioners for Plimoth haveing no commission to conclude, 
desired respite till they might advise with their Generall Courte; wher 
upon it was agreed and concluded by the said Courte of the Massachusets, 
and the comissioners for the other tow confederats, that, if Plimoth 
consente, then the whole treaty as it stands in these present articls is, 
and shall continue, firme and stable vdthout alteration. But if Plimoth 
come not in, yet the other three confederats doe by these presents con- 
feirme the whole confederation, and the articles therof; only in September 
nexte, when the second meeting of the commissioners is to be at Boston, 
new consideration may be taken of the 6. article, which concerns number 
of comissioners for meeting and concluding the affaires of this con- 
federation, to the satisfaction of the Courte of the Massachusets, and the 
comissioners for the other 2. confederats, but the rest to stand unques- 
tioned. In the testimonie wherof, the Generall Courte of the Massa- 
chusets, by ther Secretary, and the comissioners for Conightecutt and 
New-Haven, have subscribed these presente articles this 19. of the third 
month, comonly called May, Anno Dom : 1643. 

At a meeting of the comissioners for the confederation held at Boston 
the 7. of Sept: it appearing that the Generall Courte of New-Plimoth, and 
the severall towneshipes therof, have read and considered and approved 
these articles of confederation, as appeareth by commission from their 
Generall Courte bearing date the 29. of August, 1643. to Mr. Edward 


Winslow and Mr. William Collier, to ratifie and confinne the same on 
their behalfes. We, therfore, the Comissioners for the Massachusets, 
Coriightecutt, and New Haven, doe also, for our severall goverments, 
subscribe unto them. 

John Wintheop, Gov'', of the Massachusest. 

Tho: Dudley Theoph: Eaton. 

Geo: Fenwick. Edwa: Hopkins. 

Thomas Geegson. 

These were the articles of agreemente in the union and 
confederation which they now first entered into; and in this 
their first meeting, held at Boston the day and year above- 
said, amongst other things they had this matter of great con- 
sequence to considere on: the Narigansets, after the subduing 
of the Pequents, thought to have ruled over all the Indeans 
aboute them; but the EngUsh, espetially those of Conightecutt 
holding correspondencie and frenship with Uncass, sachem of 
the Monhigg Indeans which lived nere them, (as the Massa- 
chusets had done with the Narigansets,) and he had been 
faithfull to them in the Pequente warr, they were ingaged to 
supporte him in his just Hberties, and were contented that 
such of the surviving Pequents as had submited to him should 
remaine with him and quietly imder his protection. This did 
much increase his power and augmente his greatnes, which the 
Narigansets could not indure to see. But Myantinomo, their 
cheefe sachem, (an ambitious and pohtick man,) sought pri- 
vatly and by trearchery (according to the Indean maner) to 
make him away, by hiring some to kill him. Sometime they 
assayed to poyson him; that not takeing, then in the night 
time to knock him on the head in his house, or secretly to 
shoot him, and such like attempts. But none of these taking 
effecte, he^ made open warr upon him (though it was against 
the covenants both betweene the English and them, as also 
betweene them selves, and a plaine breach of the same). He 
came suddanly upon him with 900. or 1000. men (never de- 
nouncing any warr before) . The others power at that presents 

' Miantonomi. 


was not above halfe so many; but it pleased God to give 
Uncass the victory, and he slew many of his men, and wounded 
many more; but the cheefe of all was, he tooke Miantinomo 
prisoner. And seeing he was a greate man, and the Narigan- 
sets a potente people and would seeke revenge, he would doe 
nothing in the case without the advise of the EngUsh; so he 
(by the help and direction of those of Conightecutt) kept him 
prisoner till this meeting of the comissioners. The comis- 
sioners weighed the caxose and passages, as they were clearly 
represented and sufficently evidenced betwixte Uncass and 
Myantinomo ; and the things being duly considered, the com- 
issioners apparently saw that Uncass could not be safe whilst 
Miantynomo hved, but, either by secrete trechery or open 
force, his hf e would still be in danger. Wherfore they thought 
he might justly put such a false and bloud-thirstie enimie to 
death; but in his owne jurisdiction, not in the Enghsh planta- 
tions. And they advised, in the maner of his death all mercy 
and moderation should be showed, contrary to the practise of 
the Indeans, who exercise torturs and cruelty. And, Uncass 
having hitherto shewed him selfe a freind to the EngUsh, and 
in this craving their advise, if the Narigansett Indeans or 
others shall imjustly assaulte Uncass for this execution, upon 
notice and request, the Enghsh promise to assiste and protecte 
him as farr as they may againste such violence. 

This was the issue of this bussines. The reasons and pas- 
sages hereof are more at large to be seene in the acts and 
records of this meeting of the comissioners.' And Uncass fol- 
lewd this advise, and accordingly executed him, in a very fau-e 
maner,^ acording as they advised, with due respecte to his 
honour and greatnes. But what followed on the Narigansets 
parte will appear hear after. 

'The meeting of September, 1643, their second meeting. See Plymouth 
Colony Records, IX. 

"At the place of his capture, the place still called Sachem's Plain, near 
Norwich, Connecticut. 


Anno Dom: 1644. 

Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen Gov' this year. 
Many having left this place (as is before noted) by reason 
f the straightnes and barrennes of the same, and their finding 
f better accommodations elsewher, more sutable to their ends 
md minds; and sundrie others still upon every occasion de- 
siring their dismissions, the church begane seriously to thinke 
whether it were not better joyntly to remove to some other 
place, then to be thus weakened, and as it were insensibly dis- 
solved. Many meetings and much consultation was held hear- 
aboute, and diverse were mens minds and opinions. Some 
were still for staying togeather in this place, aledging men 
might hear Uve, if they would be contente with their condition; 
and that it was not for wante or necessitie so much that they 
removed, as for the enriching of them selves. Others were 
resolute upon removall, and so signified that hear they could 
not stay ; but if the church did not remove, they must ; inso- 
much as many were swayed, rather then ther should be a dis- 
solution, to condescend to a removall, if a fitt place could be 
foimd, that might more conveniently and comfortabhe receive 
the whole, with such accession of others as might come to 
them, for their better strength and subsistence; and some such 
like cautions and limitations. So as, with the afforesaide pro- 
vissos, the greater parte consented to a removall to a place 
called Nawsett, which had been superficially veiwed and the 
good will of the purchassers (to whom it belonged) obtained, 
with some addition thertoo from the Courte. But now they 
begane to see their errour, that they had given away already 
the best and most commodious places to others, and now 
wanted them selves; for this place was about 50. myles from 
hence, and at an outside of the coimtrie, remote from all 
society; also, that it would prove so straite, as it would not be 
competente to receive the whole body, much less be capable of 
any addition or increase; so as (at least in a shorte time) they 


should be worse ther then they are now hear. The which, with 
sundery other hke considerations and inconveniences, made 
them chaing their resolutions; but such as were before re- 
solved upon removall tooke advantage of this agreemente, and 
wente on notwithstanding, neither could the rest hinder them^- 
they haveing made some beginning. And thus was this poore 
church left, lik e an aricimte mother, growne"oMe;~arrd"for- 
sak^ of her children, (thougKTiot in their affect"ions;)~y'ett 
in regarde of~their Bo3i]7~presence-srtd— persondHiBt^ntt- 
ness. He r aiiciMte~Tng nrbBrg"i3ein^riK)g-t~^ 
away" by _ death ; a ndthese of later time being like children 
translated into other famili^~and she like "a widow left only 
to trust in God. Thus she that had made many rich became- 
Eersetfe^ poore. " —- 

Some things handled, and pacified by the commissioner[s] this year. 

Wheras, by a wise providence of God, tow of the jurisdictions in the 
westeme parts, viz. Conightecutt and New-haven, have beene latly 
exercised by sundrie insolencies and outrages from the Indeans; as, first, 
an Englishman, runing from his m'' out of the Massachusets, was mur- 
dered in the woods, in or nere the limites of Conightecute jurisdiction; 
and aboute 6. weeks after, upon discovery by an Indean, the Indean saga- 
more in these parts promised to deliver the murderer to the English, bound; 
and having accordingly brought him within the sight of Uncaway, by 
their joynte consente, as it is informed, he was ther unbound, and left 
to shifte for him selfe; wherupon 10. Englishmen forthwith coming to the 
place, being sente by Mr. Ludlow, at the Indeans desire, to receive the 
murderer, who seeing him escaped, layed hold of 8. of the Indeans ther 
presente, amongst whom ther was a sagamore or 2. and kept them in hold 
2. days, till 4. sagamors ingaged themselves within one month to deliver 
the prisoner. And about a weeke after this agreemente, an Indean came 
presumtuously and with guile, in the day time, and murtherously as- 
salted an English woman in her house at Stamford, and by 3. wounds, 
supposed mortall, left her for dead, after he had robbed the house. By 
which passages the English were provoked, and called to a due considera- 
tion of their owne saftie; and the Indeans generally in those parts arose 
in an hostile manner, refused to come to the English to carry on treaties 
of peace, departed from their wigwames, left their come unweeded, and 


shewed them selves tumultuously about some of the English plantations, 
and shott of peeces within hearing of the towne; and some Indeans 
came to the English and tould them the Indeans would fall upon them. 
So that most of the English thought it unsafe to travell in those parts by 
land, and some of the plantations were put upon strong watehs and ward, 
night and day, and could not attend their private occasions, and yet dis- 
trusted their owne strength for their defence. Wherupon Hartford and 
New-Haven were sent unto for aide, and saw cause both to send into the 
weaker parts of their owne jurisdiction thus in danger, and New-Haven, 
for conveniencie of situation, sente aide to Uncaway, though belonging 
to Conightecutt. Of all which passages they presently acquainted the 
comissioners in the Bay, and had the allowance and approbation from the 
Generall Courte ther, with directions neither to hasten warr nor to bear 
such insolencies too longe. Which courses, though ehargable to them 
selves, yet through Gods blessing they hope fruite is, and will be, sweete 
and wholsome to all the collonies; the murderers are since delivered to 
justice, the publick peace preserved for the presente, and probabillitie it 
may be better secured for the future. 

Thus this mischeefe was prevented, and the fear of a wan- 
hereby diverted. But now an other broyle was begune by the 
Narigansets; though they unjustly had made warr upon Un- 
cass, (as is before declared,) and had, the winter before this, 
ernestly presed the Gove' of the Massachusets that they might 
still make warr upon them to revenge the death of their saga- 
more, which, being taken prisoner, was by them put to death, 
(as before was noted,) pretending that they had first received 
and accepted his ransome, and then put him to death. But 
the Gove'' refused their presents, and tould them that it was 
them selves had done the wronge, and broaken the conditions 
of peace; and he nor the English neither could nor would 
allow them to make any further warr <«^n him, but if they 
did, must assiste him, and oppose them; but if if did appeare, 
upon good proofe, that he had received a ransome for his hfe, 
before he put him to death, when the comissioners mett, they 
should have a fair hearing, and they would cause Uncass to 
retume the same. But notwithstanding, at the spring of the 
year they gathered a great power, and fell upon Uncass, and 


slue sundrie of his men, and wounded more, and also had some 
loss them selves. Uncass calld for aide from the Enghsh; 
they tould him what the Narigansets objected, he deney the 
same; they tould him it must come to triall, and if he was 
inocente, if the Narigansets would not desiste, they would aide 
and assiste him. So at this meeting they sent both to Uncass 
and the Narrigansets, and required their sagamors to come or 
send to the comissioners now mete at Hartford, and they 
should have a faire and inpartiall hearing in all their greev- 
ances, and would endeavor that all wrongs should be rectified 
wher they should be found; and they promised that they 
should safly come and returne without any danger or molesta- 
tion; and sundry the hke things, as appears more at large 
in the messengers instructions. Upon which the Nari- 
gansets sent one sagamore and some other deputies, with 
fuU power to doe in the case as should be meete. Uncass 
came in person, accompanyed with some cheefe aboute him. 
After the agitation of the bussines, the issue was this. The 
comissioners declared to the Narigansett deputies as fol- 

1. That they did not find any proof e of any ransome agreed on. 

2. It appeared not that any wampam had been paied as a ransome, 
or any parte of a ransome, for Myantinomos life. 

3. That if they had in any measure proved their charge against 
Uncass, the comissioners would have required him to have made answer- 
able satisfaction. 

4. That if hereafter they can make satisfing profe, the English will 
consider the same, and proceed accordingly. 

5. The comissioners did require that neither them selves nor the 
Nyanticks make any warr or injurious assaulte upon Unquass or any of 
his company untill they make profe of the ransume charged, and that 
due satisfaction be deneyed, unless he first assaulte them. 

6. That if they assaulte Uncass, the English are engaged to assist 

Hearupon the Narigansette sachim, advising with the other deputies, 
ingaged him self e in the behalf e of the Narigansets and Nyanticks that no 
hostile acts should be comitted upon Uncass, or any of his, untill after 


the next planting of come; and that after that, before they begine any 
warr, they will give 30. days warning to the Gove'' of the Massachusets or 
Conightecutt. The comissioners approving of this offer, and taking their 
ingagmente under their hands, required Uncass, as he expected the con- 
tinuance of the favour of the English, to observe the same termes of peace 
with the Narigansets and theirs. 

These foregoing conclusions were subscribed by the comissioners, 
for the severall jurisdictions, the 19. of Sept: 1644. 

Edwa: Hopkins, Presidente. 

Simon Beadstreete. 

Will"^. Hathorne. 

Edw:- Winslow. 

John Browne. 

Geor: Fenwick. 

Theoph: Eaton. 

Tho: Gregson. 

The forenamed Narigansets deputies did further promise, that if, 
contrary to this agreemente, any of the Nyantick Pequents should make 
any assaulte upon Uncass, or any of his, they would deliver them up to 
the English, to be punished according to their demerits; and that they 
would not use any means to procure the Mowacks * to come against 
Uncass during this truce. 

These were their names subscribed with their marks. 

Weetowish. Chinnough. 
Pampiamett. Pummunish. 

Anno Dom: 1645. 

The comissioners this year were caled to meete togither at 
Boston, before their ordinarie time; partly in regard of some 
differances falen betweene the French and the govermente 
of the Massachusets, about their aiding of Munseire Latore 
against Miuisseire de Aulney,^ and partly aboute the Indeans, 
who had broaken the former agreements aboute the peace 
concluded the last year. This meeting was held at Boston, 
the 28. of July. 
Besids some imderhand assualts made on both sids, the 

» Mohawks. ^ See p. 318, note 1. 


Narigansets gathered a great power, and fell upon Uncass, 
and slew many of his men, and wounded more, by reason that 
they farr exseeded him in number, and had gott store of 
peeces, with which they did him most hurte. And as they did 
this withoute the knowledg and consente of the Enghsh, (con- 
trary to former agreemente,) so they were resolved to prose- 
cute the same, notwithstanding any thing the English said or 
should doe against them. So, being incouraged by ther late 
victorie, and promise of assistance from the Mowaks, (being a 
strong, warlike, and desperate people,) they had allready de- 
voured Uncass and his, in their hops; and surly they had done 
it in deed, if the English had not timly sett in for his aide. 
For those of Conightecute sent him 40. men, who were a gari- 
son to him, till the comissioners could meete and take further 

Being thus mett, they forthwith sente 3. messengers, viz. 
Sargent John Davis, Benedicte Arnold,^ and Francis Smith, 
with full and ample instructions, both to the Narigansets and 
Uncass; to require them that they should either come in per- 
son or send sufficiente men fully instructed to deale in the 
bussines; and if they refused or delayed, to let them know 
(according to former agreements) that the English are engaged 
to assiste against these hostile invasions, and that they have 
sente their men to defend Uncass, and to know of the Nari- 
gansets whether they will stand to the former peace, or they 
will assaulte the English also, that they may provid accord- 

But the messengers returned, not only with a sleighting, 
but a threatening answer from the Narigansets (as will more 
appear hereafter). Also they brought a letter from Mr. Roger 
Williams, wherin he assures them that the warr would presenly 
breake forth, and the whole country would be all of a flame. 
And that the sachems of the Narigansets had concluded a 
newtrality with the English of Providence and those of Aquid- 

' Benedict Arnold was afterward the governor of Rhode Island. 


nett Hand. Wherupon the comissioners, considering the great 
danger and provocations offered, and the necessitie we should 
be put unto of making warr with the Narigansetts, and being 
also carfuU, in a matter of so great waight and generall con- 
cemmente, to see the way cleared, and to give satisfaction to 
all the colonies, did thinke fitte to advise with such of the 
magistrats and elders of the Massachusets as were then at 
hand, and also with some of the cheefe milhtary comanders 
ther; who being assembled, it was then agreed, — 

First, that our ingagmente bound us to aide and defend 
Uncass. 2. That this ayde could not be intended only to 
defend him and his forte, or habitation, but (according to the 
comone acceptation of such covenants, or ingagments, con- 
sidered with the grounds or occasion therof) so to ayde him as 
he might be preserved in his liberty and estate. 3^^. That 
this ayde must be speedy, least he might be swalowed up in 
the mean time, and so come to late. 4'^. The justice of this 
warr being cleared to our selves and the rest then presente, it 
was thought meete that the case shoxild be stated, and the 
reasons and groimds of the warr declared and pubhshed. 5^^. 
That a day of humilliation should be apoynted, which was the 
5. day of the weeke following. 6^^. It was then allso agreed 
by the comissioners that the whole number of men to be raised 
in all the colonies should be 300. Wherof from the Massachu- 
sets a 190. PUmoth, 40. Conightecute, 40. New-Haven, 30. 
And considering that Uncass was in present danger, 40. men 
of this number were forthwith sent from the Massachusets for 
his sucoure; and it was but neede, for the other 40. from 
Conightecutt had order to stay but a month, and their time 
being out, they returned; and the Narigansets, hearing therof, 
tooke the advantage, and came suddanly upon him, and gave 
him another blow, to his further loss, and were ready to doe 
the like againe; but these 40. men being arrived, they returned, 
and did nothing. 

The declaration which they sett forth I shall not tran- 


scribe, it being very larg, and put forth in printe/ to which I 
referr those that would see the same, in which all passages are 
layed open from the first. I shall only note their prowd 
carriage, and answers to the 3. messengers sent from the comis- 
sioners. They received them with scome and contempte, and 
tould them they resolved to have no peace without Uncass 
his head; also they gave them this further answer: that it 
mattered not who begane the warr, they were resolved to 
follow it, and that the English should withdraw their garison 
from Uncass, or they would procure the Mowakes against 
them; and withall gave them this threatening answer: that 
they would lay the English catle on heaps, as high as their 
houses, and that no English-man should sturr out of his dore 
to pisse, but he should be kild. And wheras they required 
guids to pass throw their countrie, to deliver their message to 
Uncass from the comissioners, they deneyed them, but at 
length (in way of scome) offered them an old Pequente woman. 
Besids aUso they conceived them selves in danger, for whilst 
the interpretour was speakeing with them about the answer 
he should retume, 3. men came and stood behind him with 
ther hatchets, according to their murderous maner; but one 
of his fellows gave him notice of it, so they broak of and came 
away; with sundry such like affrontes, which made those 
Indeans they carryed with them to rime away for fear, and 
leave them to goe home as they could. 

Thus whilst the comissioners in care of the publick peace 
sought to quench the fire kindled amongst the Indeans, these 
children of strife breath out threatenings, provocations, and 
warr against the Enghsh them selves. So that, unless they 
should dishonour and provoak God, by violating a jxist in- 
gagmente, and expose the colonies to contempte and danger 

^A Declaration of Former Passages and Proceedings hetwixt the English and 
the Narrowgansets, tmih their confederates. Wherein the grounds and justice of 
the ensuing warre are opened and cleared, Published, by order of the commissioners 
for the united Colonies, At Boston the 11 of the sixth month, 1645, a tract of 7 
pages. Its substance is in Plymouth Colony Records, IX. 


from the barbarians, they cannot but exerciese force, when 
no other means will prevaile to reduse the Narigansets and 
their confederats to a more just and sober temper. 

So as here upon they went on to hasten the preparations, 
according to the former agreemente, and sent to Plimoth to 
send forth their 40. men with all speed, to lye at Seacunke, 
least any deanger should befalle it, before the rest were ready, 
it lying next the enemie, and ther to stay till the Massachusetts 
should joyne with them. AUso Conigtecute and Newhaven 
forces were to joyne togeather, and march with all speed, and 
the Indean confederats of those parts with them. All which 
was done accordingly; and the souldiers of this place were at 
Seacunk, the place of their rendevouze, 8. or 10. days before 
the rest were ready; they were well armed all with snaphance 
peeces,' and went under the camand of Captain Standish. 
Those from other places were led likwise by able comander[s], 
asCaptaine Mason for Conigtecute, etc.; and Majore Gibons^ 
was made generall over the whole, with such comissions and 
instructions as was meete. 

Upon the suden dispatch of these souldiears, (the present 
necessitie requiring it,) the deputies of the Massachusetts 
Courte (being now assembled immediatly after the setting 
forth of their 40. men) made a question whether it was legally 
done, without their comission. It was answered, that how- 
soever it did properly belong to the authority of the severall 
jurisdictions (after the warr was agreed upon by the comis- 
sioners, and the number of men) to provid the men and means 
to carry on the warr; yet in this presente case, the proceeding 
of the comissioners and the comission given was as sufficiente 
as if it had been done by the Generall Courte. 

First, it was a case of such presente and urgente necessitie, as could 

' A snaphance was a firearm discharged by a spring-lock. 

^ Major Edward Gibbons was the commander of the Massachusetts troops, 
Captain John Mason, who had conducted the Pequot expedition of 1636, of 
those of Connecticut. 


not stay the calling of the Courte or Counsell. 2'^. In the Articles of 
Confederation, power is given to the comissioners to consult, order, and 
determine all affaires of warr, etc. And the word determine comprehends 
all acts of authority belonging therunto. 

3'''. The comissioners are the judges of the necessitie of the expe- 

4'''. The Generall Courte have made their owne comissioners their 
sole counsell for these affires. 

5^''. These counsels could not have had their due effecte excepte they 
had power to proceede in this case, as they have done; which were to make 
the comissioners power, and the maine end of the confederation, to be 
frustrate, and that mearly for observing a ceremony. 

6'''. The comissioners haveing sole power to manage the warr for 
number of men, for time, place, etc., they only know their owne counsells, 
and determinations, and therfore none can grante commission to acte 
according to these but them selves. 

All things being thus in readines, and some of the souldiers 
gone forth, and the rest ready to march, the comissioners 
thought it meete before any hostile acte was performed, to 
cause a presente to be returned, which had been sente to the 
Gove'" of the Massachusetts from the Narigansett sachems, but 
not by him received, but layed up to be accepted or refused 
as they should carry them selves, and observe the covenants. 
Then!y)re they violating the same, and standing out thus to a 
warr, it was againe retimied, by 2. messengers and an inter- 
pretour. And further to let know that their men already sent 
to Uncass (and other wher sent forth) have hitherto had ex- 
press order only to stand upon his and their owne defence, and 
not to attempte any invasion of the Narigansetts country; and 
yet if they may have due reperation for what is past, and good 
securitie for the future, it shall appear they are as desirous of 
peace, and shall be as tender of the Narigansets blood as ever. 
If therefore Pessecuss, Innemo, with other sachemes, will (with- 
out further delay) come along with you to Boston, the comis- 
sioners doe promise and assure them, they shall have free 
hberty to come, and retoume without molestation or any just 
greevance from the Enghsh. But deputies will not now serve, 


nor may the preparations in hand be now stayed, or the 
directions given recalled, till the forementioned sagamors 
come, and some further order be taken. But if they will have 
nothing but warr, the Engish are providing, and will proceeds 

Pessecouss, Mixano, and Witowash, 3. principall sachems 
of the Narigansett Indeans, and Awasequen, deputie for the 
Nyanticks, with a large trauie of men, within a few days after 
came to Boston. 

And to omitte all other circomstances and debats that past 
betweene them and the comissioners, they came to this con- 
clusion following. 

1. It was agreed betwixte the comissioners of the United Collonies, 
and the forementioned sagamores, and Niantick deputie, that the said 
Narigansets and Niantick sagamores should pay or cause to be payed 
at Boston, to the Massachusets comissioners, the full sume of 2000. 
fathome of good white wampame, or a third parte of black wampampeage, 
in 4. payments; namely, 500. fathome within 20. days, 500. fathome 
within 4. months, 500. fathome at or before next planting time, and 500. 
fathome within 2. years next after the date of these presents ; which 2000. 
fathome the comissioners accepte for satisfaction of former charges 

2. The foresaid sagamors and deputie (on the behalfe of tire Nari- 
gansett and Niantick Indeans) hereby promise and covenante that they 
upon demand and profe satisfie and restore unto Uncass, the Mohigan 
sagamore, all such captives, whether men, or women, or children, and all 
such canowes, as they or any of their men have taken, or as many of their 
owne canowes in the roome of them, full as good as they were, with full 
satisfaction for all such corne as they or any of theire men have spoyled 
or destroyed, of his or his mens, since last planting time; and the English 
comissioners hereby promise that Uncass shall doe the like. 

3. Wheras ther are sundry differences and greevances bewixte 
Narigansett and Niantick Indeans, and Uncass and his men, (which in 
Uncass his absence cannot now be detirmined,) it is hearby agreed that 
Nariganset and Niantick sagamores either come them selves, or send their 
deputies to the next meeting of the comissioners for the collonies, either at 
New-Haven in Sep' 1646. or sooner (upon conveniente warning, if the 
said comissioners doe meete sooner), fully instructed to declare and make 


due proofe of their injuries, and to submite to the judgmente of the 
comissioners, in giving or receiving satisfaction; and the saidcomis- 
sioners (not doubting but Uncass will either come him selfe, or send his 
deputies, in like maner furnished) promising to give a full hearing to 
both parties with equall justice, without any partiall respects, according 
to their allegations and profs. 

4. The said Narigansett and Niantick sagamors and deputies doe 
hearby promise and covenante to keep and maintaine a firme and per- 
petuall peace, both with all the English United Colonies and their suc- 
cessors, and with Uncass, the Monhegen sachem, and his men; with 
Ossamequine, Pumham, Sokanoke, Cutshamakin, Shoanan, Passacona- 
way, and all other Indean sagamors, and their companies, who are in 
freindship with or subjecte to any of the English; hearby ingaging them 
selves, that they will not at any time hearafter disturbe the peace of the 
cuntry, by any assaults, hostile attempts, invasions, or other injuries, 
to any of the Unnited CoUonies, or their successors ; or to the afforesaid 
Indeans; either in their persons, buildings, catle, or goods, directly or 
indirectly; nor will they confederate with any other against them; and if 
they know of any Indeans or others that conspire or intend hurt against 
the said English, or any Indeans subjecte to or in freindship with them, 
they vdll without delay acquainte and give notice therof to the English 
commissioners, or some of them. 

Or if any questions or differences shall at any time hereafter arise or 
grow betwejct them and Uncass, or any Endeans before mentioned, they 
will, according to former ingagments (which they hearby confirme and 
ratifie) first acquainte the English, and crave their judgments and advice 
therin; and will not attempte or begine any warr, or hostille invasion, 
till they have liberty and alowance from the comissioners of the United 
Collonies so to doe. 

5. The said Narigansets and Niantick sagamores and deputies doe 
hearby promise that they will forthwith deliver and restore all such 
Indean fugitives, or captives which have at any time fled from any of the 
English, and are now living or abiding amongst them, or give due satis- 
faction for them to the comissioners for the Massachusets; and further, 
that they will (without more delays) pay, or cause to be payed, a yearly 
tribute, a month before harvest, every year after this, at Boston, to the 
English Colonies, for all such Pequents as live amongst them, according 
to the former treaty and agreemente, made at Hartford, 1638. namly, one 
fathome of white wampam for every Pequente man, and half e a fathume 
for each Pequente youth, and one hand length for each mal-child. And 
if Weequashcooke refuse to pay this tribute for any Pequents with him. 


the Narigansetts sagamores promise to assiste the English against him 
And they further covenante that they will resigne and yeeld up the whole 
Pequente cuntrie, and every parte of it, to the English coUonies, as due to 
them by conquest. 

6. The said Narigansett and Niantick sagamores and deputie doe 
hereby promise and covenante that within 14. days they will bring and 
deliver to the Massachusetts comissioners on the behalfe of the coUonies, 
foure of their children, viz. Pessecous his eldest sonn, the sone Tassa- 
quanawite brother to Pessecouss, Awashawe his sone, and Ewangsos sone, 
a Niantick, to be kepte (as hostages and pledges) by the English, till both 
the forementioned 2000. fathome of wampam be payed at the times ap- 
poynted, and the differences betweexte themselves and Uncass be heard 
and ordered, and till these artickles be under writen at Boston, by Jenemo 
and Wipetock. And further they hereby promise and covenante, that if 
at any time hearafter any of the said children shall make escape, or be 
conveyed away from the English, before the premisses be fully accomplished, 
they will either bring back and deliver to the Massachusett comissioners 
the same children, or, if they be not to be founde, such and so many other 
children, to be chosen by the comissioners for the United CoUonies, or 
their assignes, and that within 20. days after demand, and in the mean 
time, untill the said 4. children be delivered as hostages, the Narigansett 
and Niantick sagamors and deputy doe, freely and of their owne accorde, 
leave with the Massachusett comissioners, as pledges for presente securitie, 
4. Indeans, namely, Witowash, Pumanise, Jawashoe, Waughwamino, 
who allso freely consente, and offer them selves to stay as pledges, till the 
said children be brought and delivered as abovesaid. 

7. The comissioners for the United CoUonies doe hereby promise and 
agree that, at the charge of the United CoUonies, the 4. Indeans now left 
as pledges shall be provided for, and that the 4. children to be brought and 
delivered as hostages shall be kepte and maintained at the same charge; 
that they will require Uncass and his men, with all other Indean sagamors 
before named, to forbear all acts of hostilitie againste the Narigansetts 
and Niantick Indeans for the future. And further, all the promises being 
duly observed and kept by the Narigansett and Niantick Indians and their 
company, they will at the end of 2. years restore the said children delivered 
as hostiages, and retaine a firme peace with the Narigansets and Nianticke 
Indeans and their successours. 

8. It is fully agreed by and betwixte the said parties, that it any 
hostile attempte be made while this treaty is in hand, or before notice of 
this agreemente (to stay further preparations and directions) can be given, 
such attempts and the consequencts therof shall on neither parte be ac- 


counted a violation of this treaty, nor a breach of the peace hear made 
and concluded. 

9. The Narigansets and Niantick sagamors and deputie hereby agree 
and covenante to and with the comissioners of the United Collonies, that 
henceforth they will neither give, grante, sell, or in any maner alienate, 
any parte of their countrie, nor any parcell of land therin, either to any 
of the English or others, without consente or allowance of the commis- 

10. Lastly, they promise that, if any Pequente or other be found and 
discovered amongst them who hath in time of peace murdered any of the 
English, he or they shall be delivered to just punishmente. 

In witness wherof the parties above named have interchaingablie 
subscribed these presents, the day and year above writen. 

John Winthrop, President. 

Heebert Pelham. 

Tho: Prence. 

John Browne. 

Geo: Fenwick. 

Edwa: Hopkins. 

Theoph: Eaton. 

Steven Goodteare. 

Pessecouss his mark ry*^ 

Meekesano his mark ) n^ 

WiTOWASH his mark f, f, C. 

AUMSEQUEN his mark / J the Niantick 
^— '^ deputy. 

Abdas his mark Jl q 
PuMMASH his mark Cif\Af C44*V 

Cutchamakin his mark ^^ ^ 

This treaty and agreemente betwixte the comissioners of the United 
Collonies and the sagamores and deputy of Narrigansets and Niantick 
Indeans was made and concluded, Benedicte Arnold being interpretoui 
upon his oath; Sergante Callicate and an Indean, his man, being presente, 
and Josias and Cutshamakin, tow Indeans aquainted with the English 
language, assisting therin; who opened and cleared the whole treaty, and 
every article, to the sagamores and deputie there presente. 

And thus was the warr at this time stayed and prevented. 


Anno Dom: 1646. 

About the midle of May, this year, came in 3. ships into 
this harbor, in warrhke order; they were found to be men of 
warr. The captains name was Crumwell, who had taken 
sundrie prizes from the Spaniards in the West Indies. He had 
a comission from the Earle of Warwick. He had abord his 
vessels aboute 80. lustie men, (but very unruly,) who, after 
they came ashore, did so distemper them selves with drinke 
as they became like madd-men; and though some of them 
were punished and imprisoned, yet could they hardly be re- 
strained; yet in the ende they became more moderate and 
orderly. They continued here aboute a month or 6. weeks, 
and then went to the Massachusets ; in which time they spente 
and scattered a great deale of money among the people, and 
yet more sine (I fear) then money, notwithstanding all the 
care and watchfuUnes that was used towards them, to pre- 
vente what might be. 

In which time one sadd accidente fell out. A desperate 
fellow of the company fell a quarling with some of his company. 
His captine commanded him to be quiet and surcease his quar- 
elling; but he would not, but reviled his captaine with base 
language, and in the end halfe drew his rapier, and intended to 
rune at his captien; but he closed with him, and wrasted his 
rapier from him, and gave him a boxe on the earr; but he 
would not give over, but still assaulted his captaine. Wher- 
upon he tooke the same rapier as it was in the scaberd, and 
gave him a blow with the hilts; but it light on his head, and 
the smal end of the bar of the rapier hilts peirct his scull, and 
he dyed a few days after. But the captaine was cleared by 
a coimsell of warr. This fellow was so desperate a quareller 
as the captaine was faine many times to chaine him under 
hatches from hurting his fellows, as the company did testifie; 
and this was his end. 

This Captaine Thomas Cromuell sett forth another vioage 


to the Westindeas, from the Bay of the Massachusets, well 
maned and victuled; and was out 3. years, and tooke sundry 
prises, and returned rich unto the Massachusets, and ther dyed 
the same sommere, having gott a fall from his horse, in which 
fall he fell on his rapeir hilts, and so brused his body as he 
shortly after dyed therof , wttK~&sme other distempers, which 
broughtiim into a feavor. ^japje gbserved that ther might be 
the hand of God herein: that as the forenamed 
of the blow he gave him with the rapeir hilts, so his 
owne death was occationed by a like means. 

This year Mr. Edward Winslow went into England, upon 
this occation: some discontented persons imder the gover- 
mente of the Massachusets sought to trouble their peace, and 
disturbe, if not innovate, their govermente, by lajdng many 
scandals upon them; and intended to prosecute against them 
in England, by petitioning and complaining to the Parlemente.* 
Allso Samuell Gorton and his company made complaints 
against them; so as they made choyse of Mr. Winslow to be 
their agente, to make their defence, and gave him comission 
and instructions for that end; in which he so carried him selfe 
as did well answer their ends, and cleared them from any 
blame or dishonour, to the shame of their adversaries. But by 
reason of the great alterations in the State, he was detained 
longer then was expected; and afterwards fell into other im- 
ployments their, so as he hath now bene absente this 4. years, 
which hath been much to the weakning of this govermente, 
without whose consente he tooke these imployments upon him. 

Anno 1647. And Anno 1648. / 

' The allusion is to the endeavors of William Vassall, Samuel Maverick and 
Dr. John Child, to secure for members of the Church of England and the Church 
of Scotland equal civil and ecclesiastical rights in Massachusetts and Pljrmouth 
with the members of the Congregational churches. 

Page 406 blank 


No. I. 

[Passengers of the Mayflower.] 

The names of those which came over first, in the year 1620. 
and were by the blessing of God the first beginers and 
(in a sort) the foundation of all the Plantations and 
Colonies in New-England; and their famiUes. 

Mr. John Carver; Kathrine, his wife; Desire Minter; 
and 2. man-servants, John Howland, Roger Wilder; Wil- 
Uam Latham, a boy; and a maid servant, and a child that 
was put to him, called Jasper More. 

Mr. William Brewster; Mary, his wife; with 2. sons, 

whose names were Love and Wrasling; and a boy was 

6. put to him called Richard More; and another of his 

brothers. The rest of his children were left behind, and 

came over afterwards. 

Mr. Edward Winslow; Ehzabeth, his wife; and 2. men 
servants, caled Georg Sowle and EUas Story; also a htle 
gu-le was put to him, caled Ellen, the sister of Richard 

WiUiam Bradford, and Dorothy, his wife; having but 
one child, a sone, left behind, who came afterward. 

Mr. Isaack Allerton, and Mary, his wife; with 3. chil- 
6. dren, Bartholmew, Remember, and Mary; and a servant 
boy, John Hooke. 

Mr. Samuell Fuller, and a servant, caled William But- 
2. ten. His wife was behind, and a child, which came after- 
2. John Crakston, and his sone, John Crakston. 



2. Capti